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На основе общенаучных методов (исторического, компаративного, системного), а также контент-анализа выявляется генезис неомарксизма и его эвристическая значимость для социального познания. Проанализировано поэтапное становление неомарксизма, установлены его исходная парадигма и основные теоретики. Разграничены неомарксизм, ревизионизм и идеологии рабочего движения. Определена роль диалектики в становлении неомарксистской критической теории общества. Неомарксистские концепции оптимизированы по следующим направлениям: социальная сфера, культура, политика, идеология, глобальный порядок. Выявлено теоретико-методологическое значение работы А. Негри и М. Хардта «Империя» для развития неомарксизма. обозначена перспектива становления нового направления неомарксизма – синергетического марксизма. Практическая значимость полученных результатов заключается в фундаментальном обобщении неомарксизма, определении его роли в современных исследованиях социальности. = In the article the genesis of neo-Marxism and its heuristic significance for social cognition is revealed with the scientific methods (historic, comparative, system ones) and content-analysis. Analysis is given to a phased formation of neo-Marxism, described were its source paradigm and main theorists. Neo-Marxism, revisionism and ideology of working class movement were given differentiation. The role of dialectics in establishing neo-Marxist critical theory of society was described. Social neo-Marxist conceptions were generalized into a number of directions such as social sphere, culture, politics, ideology, global order. The theoretic-methodological value of the work «Empire» by A. Negri and M. Hardt for developing neo-Marxism was revealed. The perspective of establishing a new neo-Marxist trend – that of synergistic Marxism – was sounded. The practical significance of the obtained results is seen in the fundamental generalization of neo-Marxism, highlighting its role in modern researches of sociality.

This essay begins with a question that is simple, yet at the same time difficult to answer: What would we have before us today if we were to translate Marx and Engels' 1842 Communist Manifesto, written in 1842, into the present? Beyond translation from one language into another, this paper is, simultaneously, a provocation and an invitation to think about the translation of one time into another and of one political experience into another. The political translation of Marx and Engels' manifesto, a translation in which the original would become hardly recognizable in the present day, could be found encoded in a document written by Subcomandante Marcos in 1997: "The Fourth World War Has Begun", a kind of Zapatista Manifesto. Thus, after reviewing and problematizing the first translations of the Communist Manifesto, Subcomandante Marcos' text is proposed as one of its best and most current translations. My essay ends by offering a possible translation of what Marx and Engels defined in their own time as proletarian struggle: the spectral politics of the disposable. The original article is in Spanish. ; Este ensayo parte de una pregunta sencilla y, al mismo tiempo, difícil de responder: ¿Qué tendríamos hoy frente a nosotros si tradujéramos al presente el Manifiesto comunista de Marx y Engels, escrito en 1842? Más allá de la traducción de una lengua a otra, lo que se busca aquí es, simultáneamente, provocar e invitar a pensar en lo que sería la traducción de un tiempo a otro y de una experiencia política a otra. La traducción política del manifiesto de Marx y Engels, una traducción en la que el original se volvería en nuestros días prácticamente irreconocible, se podría encontrar cifrada en un documento redactado por el Subcomandante Marcos en 1997: "7 piezas sueltas del rompecabezas mundial", una suerte de Manifiesto zapatista. Así, tras retomar y problematizar sobre las primeras traducciones que se hicieron del Manifiesto comunista, se propone el texto del Subcomandante Marcos como una de sus mejores y más actualizadas traducciones. El ensayo concluye con una propuesta de traducción de lo que Marx y Engels definieron en su tiempo como lucha proletaria: la política espectral de los desechables. El artículo original está en español. ; Cet article commence par une question simple, à laquelle il est toutefois difficile de répondre. À quoi serions-nous confrontés aujourd'hui, si nous devions traduire le Manifeste du parti communiste rédigé en 1842 par Marx et Engels ? Bien plus qu'une traduction d'une langue à l'autre, cet article provocant est aussi une invitation à réfléchir à la traduction, d'une époque à une autre et d'une expérience politique à une autre. La traduction politique du manifeste de Marx et Engels, dont la version originale serait nettement différente aujourd'hui, pourrait être encodée dans un document intitulé « La quatrième guerre mondiale a commencé », un genre de Manifeste zapatiste rédigé en 1997 par le sous-commandant Marcos. Par conséquent, après avoir examiné les problèmes posés par les premières traductions du Manifeste communiste, le texte du sous-commandant Marcos est proposé comme étant l'une des meilleures et plus récentes traductions. À la fin de mon article, je suggère une éventuelle traduction de ce que Marx et Engels avaient défini à leur époque comme lutte prolétarienne : la politique spectrale des biens disponibles. L'article original a été rédigé en espagnol. ; Este ensaio parte de uma pergunta simples e, ao mesmo tempo, difícil de responder: o que teríamos diante de nós hoje se traduzíssemos para o presente o Manifesto comunista de Marx e Engels, escrito em 1842? Além da tradução de uma língua a outra, o que se busca aqui é, simultaneamente, uma provocação e um convite a pensar no que seria a tradução de um tempo a outro e de uma experiência política a outra. A tradução política do manifesto de Marx e Engels, uma tradução na qual o original se tornaria praticamente irreconhecível em nossos dias, poderia se encontrar cifrada num documento escrito pelo Subcomandante Marcos em 1997: "A quarta guerra mundial já começou", uma espécie de Manifesto zapatista. Assim, após retomar e problematizar as primeiras traduções do Manifesto comunista, propõe-se como uma de suas melhores e mais atualizadas traduções o texto do Subcomandante Marcos. O ensaio se encerra com uma proposta de tradução do que Marx e Engels definiram em seu tempo como luta do proletariado: a política espectral dos descartáveis. O artigo original está em espanhol.

In the history of Chinese people staying on Russian territory there is still a lot of questions and areas for investigation and clarification. It is clear that the interaction between the Russians and the Chinese had a direct impact on the further development of Russian- Chinese relations. One of the unique event in the history of Russian-Chinese relations was the 6th Congress of the Communist Party of China, held in Moscow region in the Pervomayskoe village. It was the only Congress of the CPC held abroad and the Congress, where Marxism was adopted by the Chinese Communists, and later it was spread to China. In fact, the Congress was the starting point of the process of Marxism Sinification. The delegates of the 6th Congress included the Chinese immigrants who worked and studied in the USSR. They are directly influenced by the October Revolution which changed their way of thinking, these were people who perceived the ideas of Marxism-Leninism early, they organized the holding of this congress, where examined in detail the possible ways of the Chinese revolution. By adopting Marxism- Leninism and starting its propaganda, they have made a significant contribution to its spread in China in the form of Sinificated Marxism. The further destiny and life of overseas Chinese were different, but almost all of them were closely linked to the Chinese revolution and the transformation process in the Chinese society in the middle of the 20th century. The authors described in detail the composition of the participants and organizers of the Congress, analyzed the content of speeches and reports of the head of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China at the congress, considered the further destiny of the participants and delegates.

This paper aims to explore the articulation of Marxism, psychoanalysis & political theory in the particular reading of Ernesto Laclau. Consequences in two main areas are analyzed: discourse theory & political philosophy. This author reconfigures the conceptual basis of hegemony & ideology from an original position close to the Althusserian tradition (by means of deconstruction, Foucauldian archaeology & Lacanian Psychoanalysis) to a standpoint that he himself has described as post Marxist. In that frame, his conception of discourse makes a claim for a renewal of the concept of hegemony, giving up the Marxist topic of base & superstructure. Adapted from the source document.