Riassunto: In termini generali, questo articolo intende presentare l'insieme del marxismo-leninismo, di cui le dottrine politiche fanno parte integrante, accanto a un cenno storico sull'origine di queste idee e sul loro insegnamento in Unione Sovietica durante la guerra fredda. Rileviamo, inoltre, i tratti caratteristici di questo tipo de pensiero. È quindi un percorso storico e sistematico in un importante periodo nella storia del ventesimo secolo. Resumen: En términos generales, este artículo busca presentar el conjunto de las doctrinas políticas del marxismo leninismo tal como se desarrollaron en la Europa comunista durante el periodo de la guerra fría. Parte importante de esta presentación es la forma como tales doctrinas fueron enseñadas en la Unión Soviética y sus características más importantes. Es una presentación a la vez sistemática e histórica de un periodo importante de la historia política del siglo XX. Abstract: Overall, this paper seeks to outline the set of political doctrines of Marxism-Leninism as was developed in communist Europe during the Cold War. An important part of this presentation is how such doctrines were taught in the Soviet Union and its most important features. It is a presentation both systematic and historical of an important period of political history of the twentieth century. Resumo: De um modo geral, este artigo pretende apresentar o conjunto das doutrinas políticas do marxismo-leninismo do jeito que se desenvolveram na Europa comunista durante o período da guerra fria. Parte importante desta apresentação é a forma como tais doutrinas foram ensinadas na União Soviética e suas características mais importantes. É uma apresentação sistemática e histórica de um período importante da história política do século XX.
This is a preface to introduce the contributions gathered in this special issue on Spinoza. Those articles are the outcome of a call for papers that attempted to identify the specific influence in philosophy of the so called "Spinoza renaissance". A period during which, besides a renovated and for many reasons unexpected interest in the study of Spinoza's concepts, there also was the strong necessity of rethinking Marxism through a thought grounded on immanence. In fact, Spinoza started to become a prism to read how philosophy could avoid, on the one hand, political immobility and, on the other hand, the vacuum panlogism of a depleted dialectic. This text stresses the specificity of every single author's point of view in this fundamental step in the construction of Contemporary French Philosophy.
This paper is a review of Cesarale's book. The aim of this paper is to discuss the possibility of a political and theoretical radical space outside the framework of the capitalist mode of production. The work of the author depicts a useful political map of the positions of "radical thought".
Il testo è incentrato su una riflessione intorno agli approcci filosofici che hanno maggiormente influenzato la prospettiva educativa e pedagogica di Paulo Freire e con i cui rappresentanti egli ha intrattenuto un intenso dialogo teorico. È stato notato come la sua lettura delle filosofie europee e nordamericane del Novecento sia stata sempre mediata da un riadattamento alle esperienze e alle problematiche dell'America Latina. Freire s'ispira alla fenomenologia e all'esistenzialismo, traendo da tali filosofie molti elementi che concorrono a configurare la sua teoria della conoscenza e la sua visione del rapporto uomomondo. La sua non è, tuttavia, una lettura pedissequa o dogmatica, ma declinata verso gli 240 obbiettivi del suo approccio pedagogico, che è orientato a sviluppare una compiutezza umana là dove essa sia limitata da situazioni di oppressione e di immersione in contesti inumani. Freire è un pensatore cristiano, nel senso che la spiritualità religiosa ne accompagna il percorso sin dagli esordi, ma anche del cristianesimo coglie soprattutto il messaggio liberatore e rivoluzionario, dialogando in modo intenso con i teologi della liberazione; egli raccoglie, altresì, dal personalismo cristiano, il tema dell'unicità della persona e dell'emergere della sua peculiarità all'interno di un movimento di emancipazione comune. L'autore brasiliano, sin dalla sua opera maggiore, La pedagogia degli oppressi, coglie del marxismo lo schema generale di interpretazione della società, della distribuzione del potere in essa e della divisione in classi. Anche in questo caso, Freire predilige l'afflato utopistico piuttosto che l'indagine strutturale di questa forma di pensiero e anche la sua "adesione" al marxismo è mediata in termini geografici, nel senso che contiene lo sforzo di adattare una visione del mondo nata in Occidente a un contesto ambientale differente, quale quello sudamericano e anche storici, nel senso che si avvale del contributo ispiratore di autori novecenteschi che hanno reinterpretato il marxismo alla luce di nuove esigenze storiche. Tra di essi si dedica particolare attenzione a Gramsci, che influenza la visione freireiana del rapporto tra intellettualità e movimenti sociali e politici. Il profilo marxista dell'opera di Freire appare, tra tutti, quello che ha ispirato maggiormente gli studiosi che ne hanno colto l'eredità, particolarmente gli autori della critical pedagogy negli Stati Uniti. Freire, inoltre, intrattiene un dialogo teorico con la cultura pedagogica americana, attraverso una sua interpretazione del pragmatismo/attivismo di Dewey. L'importanza attuale di un'indagine sulla dimensione più filosofica del pensiero freireiano potrebbe risiedere non tanto e non solo nella riflessione sui contenuti degli approcci a cui egli ha fatto riferimento, ma nella riflessione sulla capacità di raccogliere il messaggio più autenticamente educativo, che in Freire coincide con liberatorio e trasformatore, di ciascuno di essi. Tale messaggio va colto in vista di una nuova stagione storica, nella quale l'oppressione sociale, politica, psicologica si presenta in forme e sfaccettature molto differenti da quelle dell'epoca di Freire e la lotta educativa ad essa, che ha occupato l'impegno esistenziale di questo autore, deve dotarsi di strumenti di lettura e d'intervento inediti. ; The chapter is about Paulo Freire's major influences in terms of proponents he is more likely linked with on a theoretical basis, showing which perspectives played a significant role in the shaping of his educational and pedagogical view. His interpretation of European and North American philosophies of the nineteenth century melts with the experiences and issues of South American history. Freire is remarkably inspired by phenomenology and existentialism, so he draws from these perspectives many aspects that shape his own knowledge theory and his view upon the man-world connection. His view, however, is neither passive nor dogmatic, but pursues the achievement of his pedagogical goals, which tend to human completeness in circumstances of oppression and inhumanity. Paulo Freire is a Christian thinker, in so far as his religious spirituality accompanies him since the beginning, but he draws as well from Christianity first and foremost the liberating and revolutionary message, intensively dialoguing with Liberation theologists; furthermore he gathers from Christian personalism the subject of the individual's uniqueness and the surfacing of their particularity amongst a community emancipating movement. The Brazilian author, since his major text, entitled to The Pedagogy of the Oppressed, draws from Marxism the general interpretation scheme of society, of its internal power arrangement and class division. Here, also, Freire shows how he favours the utopic afflatus to the structural inquiry of this philosophy and his Marxist adhesion, is filtered both through a contextual readjustment and through the inspiring contributions of some Marxists of the nineteenth century like Antonio Gramsci, who greatly influenced Freire's view of the link between intellectuals and social and political movements. The Marxist profile of Freire's oeuvre appears to be, among other aspects, the most inspiring one for his followers, in particular for the critical pedagogy thinkers in the United States. Furthermore, Freire maintains, through his interpretation of Dewey's pragmatism/activism, a deep theoretical dialogue with North American pedagogical culture. The current interest in the philosophical dimension of Freire's thought might lay not as much in the consideration of the contents, as rather in the author's ability to pick up the most authentic pedagogical message of each single approach. This teaching has to be seized in sight of an historical season, in which social, political and psychological oppression displays itself in many forms that are different from the past, and the educational fighting against these must be provided with innovative interpretation and intervention tools.
Aim of this article is to analize the philosophical, economic and political themes of the debate on theoretical Marxism that began in Italy in 1956. The events of that year, in fact, lead various intellectuals to question historicist Marxism and the line of thought that it had identified as a "philosophical tradition" and this process causes analytical revisions and political transformations.
This paper aims at discussing the causes and the effects of the disappearance of Marxism in teaching and reasearch in Italian Universities, with particular reference to political economy. It will be argued that this phenomenon is linked to the restructuring of the Italian capitalism and, particularly, to a political demand – on the part of firms – of applied research and the espulsion of the political and critical dimension from the economic thinking.Keywords: Marxism, Italian University, Italian capitalism.
The aim of this research is to delineate, within the Sartrian thought of the Sixties, the mobile perimeter inside which to define ethics as the overcoming possibility for a critical thought. In other words: as the subjective assumption of its political dimension. The shift of Sartre's historical-political thought follows a development not yet studied enough by scholars. The manuscripts of the Sixties about dialectical ethics appear as the fundamental completion of the dialectical experience of the Critique de la Raison dialectique (1960). Sartre was not able to publish the second part of the book during his life: indeed, the blockage of that work is the result of the structural limit of every attempt to conceptualize historical experience. In the Critique, the possibility to make a single history intelligible depends on a refoundation of dialectics as research method for concrete historical reality. Starting by such refoundation, it becomes possible to define the epistemological basis of a historical structural anthropology, and the conditions for the insurgence of human collective action at the same time. In our interpretation, this approach is out of a future perfect's logic that means out of the core of the modern sovereignty's system. Once fixed those points, the research moves around two principal problematic axis. The first evaluates the methodological and epistemological accuracy of Sartre's attempt to formulate a theory of knowledge for Marxism, considering this one as a theoretical-practical experiment yet to be done. At this point, Sartre's regressive-progressive method is compared to Marx's method of critique of political economy, evaluating affinity aspects and overcoming lines. Around the second axis, transverse to the first, the more properly historical-political plexus finds its profile: the dialectical comprehension of events connoting subjectively (that means politically) historical time's flow isn't detachable from questioning about the historicity of subjects involved in this flowing. For this ...
The aim of this research is to delineate, within the Sartrian thought of the Sixties, the mobile perimeter inside which to define ethics as the overcoming possibility for a critical thought. In other words: as the subjective assumption of its political dimension. The shift of Sartre's historical-political thought follows a development not yet studied enough by scholars. The manuscripts of the Sixties about dialectical ethics appear as the fundamental completion of the dialectical experience of the Critique de la Raison dialectique (1960). Sartre was not able to publish the second part of the book during his life: indeed, the blockage of that work is the result of the structural limit of every attempt to conceptualize historical experience. In the Critique, the possibility to make a single history intelligible depends on a refoundation of dialectics as research method for concrete historical reality. Starting by such refoundation, it becomes possible to define the epistemological basis of a historical structural anthropology, and the conditions for the insurgence of human collective action at the same time. In our interpretation, this approach is out of a future perfect's logic that means out of the core of the modern sovereignty's system. Once fixed those points, the research moves around two principal problematic axis. The first evaluates the methodological and epistemological accuracy of Sartre's attempt to formulate a theory of knowledge for Marxism, considering this one as a theoretical-practical experiment yet to be done. At this point, Sartre's regressive-progressive method is compared to Marx's method of critique of political economy, evaluating affinity aspects and overcoming lines. Around the second axis, transverse to the first, the more properly historical-political plexus finds its profile: the dialectical comprehension of events connoting subjectively (that means politically) historical time's flow isn't detachable from questioning about the historicity of subjects involved in this flowing. For this reason, in the Sartrian thought of the Sixties the subjectivity's status is analyzed questioning the normative disposition of social sphere: focusing on normativity allows to understand the mutual implication of subjectification and objectification, in addition to locating basis for a Marxist axiology. Moreover, this perspective allows to improve historical effectiveness of praxis's ethical dimension. This one is the lens by which Sartre analyzes both Stalinism and colonial liberation struggles, but also the point of clarification of the torsion he imposes to the notion of longing. Materialistically, with the longing Sartre discovers the root of an ethics as the necessary step for every politics. ; Ce travail de recherche a pour but de circonscrire, dans la pensée sartrienne des années 1960, le périmètre au sein duquel l'éthique se constitue comme possibilité de la pensée critique, c'est-à-dire comme assomption subjective de la politicité de celle-ci. Notre lecture considère les manuscrits sartriens des années 1960 sur l'éthique dialectique comme un complément fondamental de l'expérience critique conduite dans la Critique de la Raison dialectique (avril 1960). Dans cet ouvrage majeur, Sartre lie la possibilité de rendre une histoire intelligible à une refondation de la dialectique en tant que méthode d'analyse du concret historique. A partir d'une telle refondation, il devient possible de déterminer les bases épistémologiques d'une anthropologie historique et structurelle, aussi bien que les conditions de surgissement de l'agir en commun des hommes. Une fois fixés ces points, la recherche tourne autour de deux axes principaux. Le premier évalue, sur un plan à la fois méthodologique et épistémologique, l'effort sartrien visant à fournir une théorie de la connaissance au marxisme, considéré comme une expérimentation théorico-pratique encore à accomplir. A ce niveau, la méthode régressive-progressive de Sartre a été confrontée avec celle utilisée par Marx dans la critique de l'économie politique, afin d'en évaluer les points de proximité et de dépassement. Autour du deuxième axe, transversal au premier, on voit se profiler le noyau éminemment historico-politique : la compréhension dialectique des événements qui marquent subjectivement (et donc politiquement) le cours du temps historique, n'est pas séparable d'une interrogation sur l'historicité des sujets impliqués dans ce même mouvement. Pour cette raison, le statut de la subjectivité chez le Sartre des années 1960 a été interrogé à travers une analyse concernant le caractère normatif du social. Le focus sur la notion de normativité a permis, d'un côté, de comprendre l'intériorité réciproque entre la subjectivation et l'objectivation ; et, de l'autre, de fixer les bases pour une axiologie marxiste. Une telle approche permet de valoriser l'efficacité historique de la dimension éthique de la praxis, en l'assumant comme prisme à travers lequel Sartre analyse les problèmes posés par le stalinisme et les luttes de libération anticoloniale. Cela nous a conduit enfin à questionner la torsion imposée par Sartre à la notion de besoin qui devient, d'un point de vue matérialiste, la racine d'une éthique comme passage obligé pour toute politique. ; Il lavoro di ricerca si propone di circoscrivere, all'interno del pensiero sartriano de-gli anni '60, il perimetro mobile entro cui si definice l'etica come possibilità ulteriore del pensiero critico, come assunzione soggettiva della sua politicità. Lo spostamento operato nella riflessione storico-politica di Sartre si compie in una direzione – seguita finora solo parzialmente dagli interpreti ‒ volta ad assumere i manoscritti degli anni '60 sull'etica dialettica come complemento fondamentale dell'esperienza critica condotta nella Critique de la Raison dialectique (1960) ‒ il cui blocage, esito di un limite struttu-rale ed interno ad ogni concettualizzazione dell'esperienza storica, impedirà la pubbli-cazione del secondo tomo dell'opera. Nella Critique, la possibilità di rendere una storia intelligibile è sospesa alla rifondazione della dialettica come metodo d'indagine del concreto storico. A partire da tale rifondazione è possibile determinare tanto le basi epi-stemologiche di un'antropologia storica e strutturale, quanto le condizioni d'insorgenza dell'agire in comune degli uomini. Nella nostra lettura, tale prospettiva si sottrae alla logica del futuro anteriore, caratterizzante il moderno dispositivo sovranista. Fissati questi punti, la ricerca ruota attorno a due assi problematici principali. Il primo valuta, su un piano al contempo metodologico ed epistemologico, la tenuta del tentativo sar-triano di fornire una teoria della conoscenza al marxismo, reso possibile dalla convin-zione che quest'ultimo sia un esperimento teorico-pratico ancora da compiere. A questa altezza, il metodo regressivo-progressivo di Sartre viene confrontato con quello adottato dal Marx critico dell'economia politica, per valutarne i punti di vicinanza e di supera-mento. Attorno al secondo asse, trasversale al primo, si profila il plesso più propriamen-te storico-politico: la comprensione dialettica degli eventi che connotano in senso sog-gettivo (e quindi politico) il corso del tempo storico, non è separabile da un'interroga-zione sulla storicità dei soggetti che, in tale movimento, sono implicati. Per questo mo-tivo, lo statuto della soggettività nel pensiero sartriano degli anni '60 viene analizzato mediante un'interrogazione sul carattere normativo del sociale: il focus sulla nozione di normatività permette infatti da un lato, di comprendere l'interiorità reciproca di sogget-tivazione ed oggettivazione e, dall'altro, d'individuare le basi per un'assiologia marxi-sta. Tale prospettiva consente di valorizzare l'efficacia storica della dimensione etica 4 della praxis, attraverso cui Sartre analizza i problemi posti dallo stalinismo e dalle lotte di liberazione coloniale, ma anche d'illuminare la torsione cui egli sottopone la nozione di bisogno per farne, materialisticamente, la radice di un'etica che diviene passaggio obbligato per ogni politica.
UID/FIL/00183/2019 ; Marxist internationalism was grounded in the cosmopolitan scope of capitalism, on the interdependences it created between national economies, and on the belief that it would collapse under its own contradictions. While the rst two tenets maintain their validity, the latter currently does not rests on a convincing scienti c basis. ere is nevertheless ample scope for positively retrieving the internationalist idea with practical implications, as shows the example of macroeconomic cooperation within the European Union. European integration is stuck on the cliff of a new mercantilism. Member states see European economy as the theatre of a competition between national economies, each seeking to maximize exports and to gain new market shares. Relations of economic power model the political relations among partners, design hierarchies, and result in economic and cultural hegemonies. On the eve of World War I, the socialist front broke on the political and cultural response to economic nationalism, mercantilism, and militarism, splitting between those who aligned with national interests and those who remained true to internationalism, from the vantage point of which nation- al con icts mirrored radical class con icts. e dilemma that confronts the present-day left is similar, and a consistent part of it is tempted to answer the continental crisis taking a clear step away from internationalism. Sovranism, i.e. unwinding European integration in the hope to take back national sovereignty, in particular, goes along with scepticism or open hostility to the common currency. Sovranist claims rest, however, both on a radical misappreciation of the factors that weighted on the eurozone crisis and on a defensive, rather than a progressive, attitude towards supranational integration. Rather than being an alternative to nationalist mercantilism, these claims are no more than its ip side. e present contribution defends these theses through an analysis of the main fault lines of the eurozone's current political constellation. It highlights the shortcomings of the sovranist conception of international economy and shows how a truly internationalist response that promotes further European integration, instead of fighting it, is both viable and realistic. A newly reconsidered internationalism would widen the scope for national political autonomy if it manages to turn the European integration process from a system of antagonistic interdependence into a system of true international cooperation. ; publishersversion ; published
This article – which examines the volume by Pierre Dardot and Christian Laval, Commun – intends to work out the meanings, including their historical background, which pertain to a crucial discursive field in today's political debate: those of the terms common /commons. The goal, following Dardot and Laval multifold proposal, is to understand how to overcome the evident indeterminacy of a word such as commun. The critical analysis of the extremely complex, and frequently fuzzy, genealogies of common /commons is a fundamental step in this intellectual program, indeed a precondition for the elaboration of a convincing conceptual tool. This concept is interpreted, following the perspective outlined by the Authors and now at the heart of the debate, as a principle of self-government (to be introduced in all spheres of social life), based, fully in accordance with the demand for radical democracy, on the conflicting practices which create new institutions.
Through the articles written by Antonio Gramsci during the first year and a half of release of "L'Ordine Nuovo", you can see the development lines of what the author has established during the World War I on the historical and political analysis of Italian and European society. These ideas deal directly with Factory Council's doctrine: Gramsci, inspired by the voluntary initia-tives in Turin factories, builds, since the summer of 1919, a revolutionary theory gathered on the role of working-class institutions. The extensive task of the Factory, in a devastated post-war industrial society, forces the political thinker to reshape the traditional functions of the two representative proletarian institutions: Labor Union and Political Party. Only rethinking about how they work, it's possible to lead to success the revolutionary movement of the most aware Italian workers: from Turin industries can arise the future construction of Italian Soviet repub-lic that, after the victory of the Revolution in all countries, will be melted in international communist society. This theory stands in a particular position between socialist thinkers of that period, not only towards Reformists or Unitarians Maximalists, but also towards elements of the Communist faction that breaks up with the PSI during national congress of Livorno (Janu-ary 1921) to create a new revolutionary Party.
Is it possible to think progress and history not as a mere succession of facts but as a process involving a complex and determinate meaning? Marxism (and its political history, which cannot be reduced to crime nor completely justified in the name of an ideal) still offers us a critical-conceptual apparatus, able to analyze the concrete reality of our times with lucidity and accuracy. The quality of its methodology and tools is the most important inheritance of Marx and Engels' lesson. In this perspective, we absolutely need to keep philosophical criticism and historical memory together. This choice implies the loss of that side of Marxism that indulges to philosophical-ideological predictions (and therefore to forms of prophetism) and the pursuit of a critical theory of society that, thanks to Gramsci's indication, gives us a dynamic conception of history. A conception that moves from the objectivity of history, but at the same time emphasizes the role of subjectivity and its freedom.Keywords: Progress; Historicism; Marxism; Gramsci.
The commentary critically addresses manuele Leonardi's arguments as exposed in Lavoro Natura Valore – André Gorz tra marxismo e decrescita (Orthotes, 2017). In particular, it focuses on the political role of wage within Autonomist Marxism, on the problematic link between the General Intellectand ecological politics, and on the limits of an ecological strategy based on labor
Historical materialism occupied for a long time a central position in Italian philosophical debate: on the contrary, it seems to be neglected today in academic studies. Whereas in other countries there are a lot of publications and cultural enterprises that follow the profile of this tendency, in Italy it seems to be banished as a memory of a closed political and intellectual season. Our review is an attempt to rediscover and renew the most innovative Italian version of Marxism, strengthening pluralism in Italian cultural debate and inside university.Keywords: Italian marxism; Historical materialism; Gramsci; Academic magazines.
The attempt proposed in this reflection is to indicate some political and cultural reasons for what Giuseppe Chiarante called "missed appointment": the one between the Pci and the new left in the sixties. The article traces, by privileging the point of view of the debate in the Pci, the reasons for this missed meeting. An in-depth overview of the various trends present in the party is given by the conference The Italian Marxism of the Sixties and the theoretical and political training of the new generations, promoted by the Gramsci Institute in 1971, which will constitute privileged material for reflection, in addition to the press of the time, the testimonies of the protagonists and the historical reflections both contemporary and recent. We will analyze the communist debate and the comparison between the "right" and the "left" of the party, the synthesis made by Luigi Longo and the reasons for the lack of effectiveness of this in the "recovery" of the dispute, despite the attitude of openness so much of the secretary (and of the Ingraian "left"), as well as of a leading part of the student movement (see Scalzone). In conclusion, it will be said that the failure will be due in part to the political and cultural differences of the "two leftists"; in the other, and above all, for the particular conformation of the political framework, which already assigned the Pci the role of representative of the alternative and did not allow further margins of real action outside it but within a communist discourse.
