Suchergebnisse

El 12 de octubre es celebrado en Estados Unidos como "el día de la hispanidad" creándose así un vínculo con España al no haberlo con los anglo-americanos; la identidad hispana se crea alrededor de la cultura española y no como propia identidad hispano-americana. La "españolización de la conquista" sirve para crear una conciencia nacional entre los hispanos y, por ello, se glorifican los acontecimientos históricos; esto implica la pertenencia de la posesión del continente exclusivamente a España con la que se identifican. De este modo, en Nueva York, y a través de un análisis de los periódicos más representativos en lengua española (del 12 de octubre de 1989), se demuestra el intento de creación de identidad de grupo de la comunidad hispana. Es cuando surge la pregunta en torno a la realidad o ficción de la identidad de grupo, tal vez creada por los medios de comunicación. Por otra parte, surgen diferencias entre los hispanos de diferentes orígenes con lo que se demuestra que no se identifican plenamente como hispanos. Sin embargo, les une un vínculo muy fuerte: la lengua. Por medio del análisis lingüistico se demuestra el intento de creación, por parte de los medios de comunicación, de un nacionalismo que respondería a razones económicas unidas a un mensaje politico-cultural. Los medios de comunicación más que represertar o informar sobre la identidad del grupo hispano parecen generarla.

A review of mass media response to the smoking issue over the past 25 years reveals that sustained involvement of the broadcast and print media has served significantly to heighten public awareness and reduce smoking rates in the total U.S. population. Public service advertising has been an integral part of the smoking control movement from its outset, but today's intensely competitive media environment has forced health promoters to look beyond public service announcements in the development of total communication programs. Media advocacy--using the media to sharpen public awareness and mold public policy to serve the public interest, a technique derived from political campaigns--is emerging as a powerful tool in the smoking control movement. Its emphasis is on changing the entire social context of tobacco use in America, rather than the smoking behavior of people. Because media advocates' success pivots on their access to the media, they must be able both to create news and to react quickly to breaking news and unexpected events. The opportunistic, risk-taking nature of media advocacy requires that most efforts be waged at the State and local levels. An increasing number of State health departments and other organizations are using paid advertising to improve the frequency and reach of nonsmoking messages. Research verifies that paid media campaigns increase the target audience's exposure to smoking control messages, but planning and making efficient media purchases require sophistication and, of course, the necessary funds. Irrefutable medical evidence linking smoking to disease and addiction, combined with the powerful social force of the nonsmokers' rights movement, offer hope that a smoke-free society is an achievable goal.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)

This paper presents evidence of the demise of Libertarianism in the U.S. mass media system and proposes an "elite power group" model as an alternative explanation of the workings of the mass media in the United States. In sharp contrast to the structural characteristics implied by the Libertarian model, the U.S. media industry is organized as an elite power group characterized by growing concentration and conglomeration, integration with other power elites, and ability to exercise self-serving control on the government even as it is controlled by it.

OBJECTIVES: This study examined the reach, effectiveness, and cost-effectiveness of a mass media-led smoking cessation campaign including television shows, a television clinic, a quit line, local group programs, and a comprehensive publicity campaign. METHODS: A random sample of baseline smokers (n = 1338) was interviewed before and after the campaign and at a 10-month follow-up. A nonpretested control group (n = 508) of baseline smokers was incorporated to control for test effects. RESULTS: Most smokers were aware of the campaign, although active participation rates were low. Dose-response relations between exposure and quitting were found. The follow-up point prevalence abstinence rate attributable to the campaign was estimated to be 4.5% after control for test effects and secular trends. The cost per long-term quitter was about $12. CONCLUSIONS: In spite of a massive rise in tobacco promotion expenditures prior to the campaign and the absence of governmental control over the media, the campaign under study may have increased normal cessation rates substantially.

by Cheung Yuk-ching, Doreen. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1990. ; Bibliography: leaves 179-188. ; Chapter 7 --- Findings III: Hypotheses Testing --- p.99 ; Mass Media ; Family ; School ; Chapter 8 --- Findings IV: Relative Influence of Socializing Agents --- p.130 ; Interaction among Agents ; Relative Influence among Agents ; Chapter 9 --- Discussion --- p.152 ; Parental Influence ; Problem of Perceived Parental Influence ; Mass Media ; School ; Political Orientations ; Shortcomings and Future Research Direction ; Chapter Appendix 1 --- Fathers' birth place --- p.161 ; Chapter Appendix 2 --- Mothers' birth place --- p.161 ; Chapter Appendix 3 --- Item-by-item correlations among perceived paternal attitudes --- p.162 ; Chapter Appendix 4 --- Item-by-item correlations among perceived maternal attitudes --- p.163 ; Questionnaire --- p.164 ; Bibliography --- p.179 ; Reference --- p.183

La cuestión del potencial democratizador de los medios de comunicación ha merecido tanto la esperanza ingenua como el escándalo apocalíptico. Es un asunto en el que no nos jugamos poco: la posibilidad de que las instituciones de la sociedad civil sean o no capaces de promover la infraestructura moral de la democracia. De ser así, sobraría un saber de segundo grado como la filosofía que se interrogue sobre tradiciones comunitarias, que aparecerían capaces de vigorizar la esfera pública como ámbito de control y producción de poder. Sin embargo, las coacciones a las que se ven sometidos los media en un régimen de competencia mercantil no recomiendan tales ilusiones. ; The question of the democratizing potential of the media has deserved both genuine hope and apocalyptic scandal. It is a matter in which we risk much: the possibility that civil society institutions may be able to promote the moral infrastructure of democracy. If this were the case, second order knowledge like philosophy, studies which inquire into community traditions, would not be necessary, as these institutions would be able to invigorate the public sphere as a means of control and power production. However, in a mercantile competition system, the media are subject to such coercions that such illusions are not allowed. ; Grupo de Investigación Antropología y Filosofía (SEJ-126). Universidad de Granada

Die hier vorgelegte Studie versucht, die ADORNO-BENJAMIN-Kontroverse bildungstheoretisch zu interpretieren. Sie beginnt mit einer kurzen Darstellung der unterschiedlichen Problemsichten von BENJAMIN und ADORNO und erörtert die Differenzen zwischen ihren Positionen vor dem Hintergrund ihres gemeinsamen Anliegens, das sich mit BENJAMIN vielleicht am klarsten mit dem Begriff "Erfahrungsarmut" fassen läßt. (DIPF/Orig.) ; Adorno and Benjamin did not discuss educational problems systematically. Their educational theories were principally within the scope of aesthetical reflexions. These theories outlined the "modern" condition of education notably clearly though they were based on the aesthetical point of view. The interpretations of the "modern" condition of education, which Benjamin called "Erfahrungsarmut" (poverty of experience), however, were quite different between Benjamin and Adorno. The resembling and controversial points between the two can clearly be seen in the Adorno-Benjamin-Dispute in the 1930's. Starting from an analysis of this dispute, this paper will attempt to reconstruct differences between Adorno and Benjamin in their views of education. The focus of this paper will placed on how Benjamin's educational theory differs from the traditional ones. This deviation represents a realistical consequence of his radical confrontation with the modernity. (DIPF/Orig.)

The almost fifty-four years that separate the harangue from Haya de la Torre in the Plaza de Acho from the meeting with which Alan García closes his campaign on the Paseo de la República - prolonged by successive presidential "balconazos" - would illustrate with ease how certain features of the Subaltern cultures endure in spite of the obvious and important differences of characterization that throughout this long period we find in Peruvian society. However, that smell of crowds is inseparable from the way in which the masses construct the real through the means of communication; the field of view of political science should be extended to the study of mass culture to grasp the permanent and the changing in a broader dimension. In this essay a theoretical reflection on the subject is outlined. ; Los casi cincuentaicuatro años que separan la arenga de Haya de la Torre en la Plaza de Acho del mitin con que Alan García cierra su campaña en el Paseo de la República -prolongado por sucesivos "balconazos" presidenciales- ilustrarían con facilidad cómo ciertos rasgos de las culturas subalternas perduran a pesar de las obvias e importantes diferencias de caracterización que a lo largo de ese extenso periodo encontramos en la sociedad peruana. No obstante, ese olor de multitudes es indisociable del modo en que las masas construyen lo real a través de los medios de comunicación; el campo de mirada de las ciencias políticas debe extenderse al estudio de la cultura de masas para asir lo permanente y lo cambiante en una dimensión más amplia. En este ensayo se esboza una reflexión teórica sobre el tema.

"June 1993." ; Thesis--School of Advanced Airpower Studies, Maxwell Air Force Base, academic year 1991-92. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 37-42) ; Mode of access: Internet.

by Wan Fang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 74-80). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii ; Acknowledgments --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter I --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter II --- Literature Review & Conceptualization --- p.3 ; Chapter Chapter III --- Media Coverage & Hypotheses --- p.27 ; Chapter Chapter IV --- Methods --- p.36 ; Chapter Chapter V --- Results --- p.44 ; Chapter Chapter VI --- Conclusions & Discussions --- p.57 ; Endnotes --- p.65 ; References --- p.69 ; Figures & Tables --- p.77

We suggest a model of electoral competition between two parties which is extended by a third player : mass media. The classical one-dimensional competition model is changed by introducing an issue-specific sensibility-coefficient and by allowing for non-voting. The winner is selected by majority rule. The voter potentials of the parties are determined by their current policy choice. Deviating from (exogenous) traditional party policy reduces the credibility of a party in the eyes of potential voters. The number of non-voters increases with the sensibility of individuals to the issue and with the deviation distance. By reporting with political bias, mass media has selective influence on the sensibility-coefficient of potential voters of both parties. They get either desensitised or over-sensitised in respect to party credibility which alters the number of non-voters. Parties being able to successfully communicate with mass media can manage to turn an unfavourable situation before election campaigning into an electoral victory.

by Siu Luen-wun, Wanda. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1996. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 91-100). ; Chapter I --- Introduction --- p.1-3 ; Chapter II --- Literature Review --- p.4-43 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Cognitive Priming theory --- p.4-10 ; Chapter 2.2 --- The Spreading-Activation Network model --- p.11-12 ; Chapter 2.3. --- The Semantic Network Theory --- p.13-16 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Cognitive Priming and the mass media --- p.16-20 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Links with Emotion --- p.21-34 ; Affect and mental Network theory --- p.24 ; Positive and Negative Asymmetry --- p.24-25 ; Affect and Memory --- p.25-27 ; Affect and Learning --- p.27-29 ; Affect and Information Processing --- p.30-34 ; Chapter 2.6 --- Theoretical model proposed --- p.35-38 ; Application of the model to the study --- p.39-43 ; Chapter III --- Methods --- p.44-55 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Research Question --- p.44-46 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Hypotheses --- p.47-50 ; Affect and feelings towards Clinton --- p.47 ; Agenda setting and priming --- p.48 ; Approval of Clinton and evaluation of Clinton --- p.49-50 ; Competence and Integrity perception --- p.50 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Dependent and Independent measures --- p.51-59 ; Affect manipulation check --- p.51-52 ; Positive and negative feelings --- p.52-54 ; Issue Salience --- p.55 ; Perception of Clinton's overall performance --- p.55-56 ; Competence and integrity perception --- p.57-59 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Experimental materials --- p.60-62 ; Chapter 3.5 --- Pilot Test --- p.63-65 ; Chapter 3.6 --- Procedure --- p.66-67 ; Chapter IV --- Principle Analysis --- p.68-85 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Affect and feelings towards Clinton --- p.69-72 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Agenda setting and priming --- p.73-79 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Approval of Clinton and evaluation of Clinton --- p.80-84 ; Chapter 4.4 --- Competence and Integrity perception of Clinton --- p.85 ; Chapter V --- Conclusion --- p.86-90 ; References --- p.91-100 ; Appendix --- p.101-107

Media campaigns were successful in the reform of drunk driving legislation in North Carolina. ; "December 12, 1985." ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Final report. ; Media campaigns were successful in the reform of drunk driving legislation in North Carolina. ; Performed by the Dept. of Health Policy & Administration, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill under contract no. ; Mode of access: Internet.

by Lee Lap-fung, Francis. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 187-197). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; questionnaire in Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- The background of the 1998 election --- p.10 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Approaches to election and media effects studies --- p.20 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Activating informed participation - a conceptual model for empirical evaluation --- p.33 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Design and methods --- p.47 ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- "News consumption, knowledge and sophistication" --- p.51 ; Chapter Chapter 7 --- Media and political attitudes --- p.65 ; Chapter Chapter 8 --- Voter turnout --- p.100 ; Chapter Chapter 9 --- The pitfalls of media strategic coverage: How media fall short from activating informed participation --- p.120 ; Chapter Chapter 10 --- Conclusion: Mass media and political participation in Hong Kong --- p.147 ; Appendix A Variable constructions and statistical procedures --- p.159 ; Appendix B Questionnaires and basic information about the data --- p.165 ; "Appendix C Electoral system,vote calculating method, and candidate lists" --- p.180 ; Reference --- p.187

"Information as of January 1997 was used in this study, with one exception: the material on Hong Kong drew on information as of July 1997." ; "CSI 97-10003." ; "September 1997." ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.