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Historically, analyses of change in mass media systems have tended to draw upon a 'dissident vs state' framework, derived largely from the western historical experience. In the case of China, a 'state vs market' scenario has been superimposed on this basic framework, in the context of which the Chinese Communist party-state is often portrayed as a monolithic entity intent on promoting market-oriented reform in China's economic base, while keeping a tight grip on the country's mass media system and political superstructure. These dominant analytical frameworks tend to mask a number of important dynamics unique to Chinese history and society, that have played a significant role in the mass media transformation process. The purpose of this article is to outline a new conceptual framework incorporating these unique dynamics. In particular, it is the contention of this article that many of the changes in China's mass media system during the post-Mao period have been achieved by non-state actors, not in an adversarial process vis-à-vis the state, but through what may be called 'creative renegotiation and expansion' of new policy openings initiated by the state. The success of these non-state actors, furthermore, has been due to three major systemic factors: (1) the increasing 'deideologization' of the Chinese society set in motion by Deng's pragmatic policies; (2) the gradual functional shift on the part of the local party cadres and bureaucratic authorities from ideological supervision to entrepreneurial collaboration with private investors; and (3) the increasingly common core of interest created by the media's commercialization among the party cadres, bureaucratic bodies and media entrepreneurs and managers in extracting profits from the media.

Europe witnessed fundamental changes in its media landscape during the 1920s, namely the development of radio as a mass medium, the introduction of sound film and the dramatic growth of the press and the cinema. However, these changes developed very unevenly all over Europe, differing not only between nation states, but also between regions and between the countryside and metropolitan areas. These developments were often observed critically by political and cultural elites, who warned of the corrosive effects of "mass culture." Throughout Europe, censorship measures were implemented to save the population from the supposedly corrosive influence of popular entertainment.

Mass media role and importance in terrorist strategy are analysed in this article. Key words: mass media, terrorism, information, aggressor, political actors. ; Проаналізовано роль ЗМІ як чинника в реалізації терористичної стратегії. Ключові слова: ЗМІ, тероризм, агресори, політичні актори, інформація.

5 pages, 6 figures. ; This letter focus on the effect of repulsive interactions on the adoption of an external message in an opinion model. With a simple change in the rules, we modify the Deffuant \emph{et al.} model to incorporate the presence of repulsive interactions. We will show that information receptiveness is optimal for an intermediate fraction of repulsive links. Using the master equation as well as Monte Carlo simulations of the message-free model, we identify the point where the system becomes optimally permeable to external influence with an order-disorder transition. ; We acknowledge financial support by the MEC (Spain) and FEDER (EU) through project FIS2007-60327. TVM acknowledges the support of FCT (Portugal) through Grant No. SFRH/BD/23709/2005, MP is supported by the Belgian Federal Government (IAP project "NOSY: Nonlinear systems, stochastic processes and statistical mechanics"). ; Peer reviewed

Referring to the concepts, communicative democracy is defined as free, open and democratic communication organized around three equally legitimate public sphere actors – politicians, journalists and public opinion, and populism is understood as good, entertaining and effective communication with people, eroding basic functions of the political parties (institutionalization of ideological conflicts) and politicians (representation), the paper provides insights about the dangers to quality of democracy if the free mass media gets utterly away from political parallelism. Special attention is placed on the tendencies of media personnel to be active in the political life. The paper conceptualizes a tremendous decrease (by one third) in public trust in mass media in Lithuania, observed from 1998 to 2009 and interprets this change as a cumulative result of the post-communist illstructured political field under pressing liberalization and democratization coupled with specific patterns of the Lithuanian political culture and public sphere. In the conditions of a still relatively high public trust in mass-media and scarce foreign ownership of the mass-media outlets in Lithuania, the local media barons are able to produce and impose their own public-agenda. The Lithuanian massmedia and government relations evolve along the lines of the zero-sum game: they seek to control each other, and at the same time try to avoid being controlled by the other, while any other pattern of inter-relations does not appear as viable and appropriate. INTUNE project survey (2009) shows that the media elite's influence in the national decision making process is significantly higher in Lithuania than, for instance, in Germany or Hungary.Key words: populism, communicative democracy, mass-media ownership, public sphere, public trust.

Th e systems of public administration in the national republics have one signifi cant diff erence when compared with other types of regional subjects ("oblast" or "kray") in the Russian Federation. Th ese systems have governmental media (state media) founded by public authorities and these media outlets' assets are in the ownership of these authorities. It gives a certain originality to both the national republics' and Russia's administrative practices and mass media functioning. It is common for experts to criticize the national republics' public administrations for withdrawal from the libertarian model, but most oft en, this critical thinking does not clarify the reasons which could have looked "positive" from the libertarian perspective. Th ese reasons are the major factor in making public authorities maintain state media. Th e paper aims to synthesize the practice of governmental administration of mass media in the national republics and explicate the administration model by considering the example of Buryatia. Th e authors give their own defi nition to the concept of "state media"; identify public authorities' and mass media's interaction principles as well as institutional specifi cs of mass media's functioning in the national subjects of Russia. Th e authors argue that state media's functioning is justifi ed. Being a political institution, state media experience a serious impact of various social factors including political, economic and legal ones. In the process of political management, their interference provides the mass media with a resource potential. Th e state mass media in Buryatia is founded by its government and operates under the supervision of a special body in the Administration of the Head and the Government of the Republic of Buryatia. In practice, this body is an operator and manager of the mass media industry and it possesses all the resources it needs, including fi nancial, to run the industry. All the state media outlets have been joined into "Buryaad Unen Publishing House", a state autonomous institution. It provides state services via the implementation of particular functions. One of these functions is conducting the state politics and policy that is the consequence of the political forces ratio on the regional and federal levels. Th e other functions include legitimization of law, publicizing activities of public authorities, and preservation and development of the national language (the Buryat peoples' language). Th e latter state media function is of major importance in the national republics. Th e research approach is an environmental sociological analysis studying the infl uence of various social factors which are making an impact on the choice of government mechanisms for administering state media. For analysis of various aspects of state mass media's transformation into a social subject of policy, the authors combine sociological with institutional and discourse research methods.

One of the distinctive features of Russia's confrontation with the West over the 2014-2016 period is the intensification of Russian propaganda both in foreign countries and within the state. Lithuania, whose relations with a major neighbour were not normalized, and which openly supported Ukraine's position, attracted the additional attention of Russian mass media in which an incitement to anti- Lithuanian moods was bolstered. In this case, it is endeavoured to generally describe how the mass media (television and newspapers) played a role in contriving a social construct and ascertain the Lithuanian quantitative characteristics which are presented in Russian mass media. Referring to the analysis, one can distinguish three prevailing negative images of Lithuania - that is, Russophobic and anti-Russian; a falsifier of history; and a failing and non-influential state. These images, being consistently and purposefully exploited in Russian information space, almost with no alternative sources, turned into undeniable truth for the majority of Russian citizens. This provides the Kremlin with vast possibilities of manipulation in constructing the tactics and strategy of geopolitical instability. On the other hand, one should not forget that such a negative picture of Lithuania serves as a way in which Russian society justifies Putin's political system and demonstrates its superiority over the values of the Western world.

One of the distinctive features of Russia's confrontation with the West over the 2014-2016 period is the intensification of Russian propaganda both in foreign countries and within the state. Lithuania, whose relations with a major neighbour were not normalized, and which openly supported Ukraine's position, attracted the additional attention of Russian mass media in which an incitement to anti- Lithuanian moods was bolstered. In this case, it is endeavoured to generally describe how the mass media (television and newspapers) played a role in contriving a social construct and ascertain the Lithuanian quantitative characteristics which are presented in Russian mass media. Referring to the analysis, one can distinguish three prevailing negative images of Lithuania - that is, Russophobic and anti-Russian; a falsifier of history; and a failing and non-influential state. These images, being consistently and purposefully exploited in Russian information space, almost with no alternative sources, turned into undeniable truth for the majority of Russian citizens. This provides the Kremlin with vast possibilities of manipulation in constructing the tactics and strategy of geopolitical instability. On the other hand, one should not forget that such a negative picture of Lithuania serves as a way in which Russian society justifies Putin's political system and demonstrates its superiority over the values of the Western world.

One of the distinctive features of Russia's confrontation with the West over the 2014-2016 period is the intensification of Russian propaganda both in foreign countries and within the state. Lithuania, whose relations with a major neighbour were not normalized, and which openly supported Ukraine's position, attracted the additional attention of Russian mass media in which an incitement to anti- Lithuanian moods was bolstered. In this case, it is endeavoured to generally describe how the mass media (television and newspapers) played a role in contriving a social construct and ascertain the Lithuanian quantitative characteristics which are presented in Russian mass media. Referring to the analysis, one can distinguish three prevailing negative images of Lithuania - that is, Russophobic and anti-Russian; a falsifier of history; and a failing and non-influential state. These images, being consistently and purposefully exploited in Russian information space, almost with no alternative sources, turned into undeniable truth for the majority of Russian citizens. This provides the Kremlin with vast possibilities of manipulation in constructing the tactics and strategy of geopolitical instability. On the other hand, one should not forget that such a negative picture of Lithuania serves as a way in which Russian society justifies Putin's political system and demonstrates its superiority over the values of the Western world.

One of the distinctive features of Russia's confrontation with the West over the 2014-2016 period is the intensification of Russian propaganda both in foreign countries and within the state. Lithuania, whose relations with a major neighbour were not normalized, and which openly supported Ukraine's position, attracted the additional attention of Russian mass media in which an incitement to anti- Lithuanian moods was bolstered. In this case, it is endeavoured to generally describe how the mass media (television and newspapers) played a role in contriving a social construct and ascertain the Lithuanian quantitative characteristics which are presented in Russian mass media. Referring to the analysis, one can distinguish three prevailing negative images of Lithuania - that is, Russophobic and anti-Russian; a falsifier of history; and a failing and non-influential state. These images, being consistently and purposefully exploited in Russian information space, almost with no alternative sources, turned into undeniable truth for the majority of Russian citizens. This provides the Kremlin with vast possibilities of manipulation in constructing the tactics and strategy of geopolitical instability. On the other hand, one should not forget that such a negative picture of Lithuania serves as a way in which Russian society justifies Putin's political system and demonstrates its superiority over the values of the Western world.

Fil: Batista, Julián Alberto. Universidad de San Andrés. Departamento de Economía; Argentina. ; "We try to unveil the economic causes behind conflicts arising between Latin American governments and mass media corporations through a theoretical model, which takes into account the fact that Latin American economies tend to be very unstable and the high level of concentration of the mass media markets in the region. The results are not trivial: mass media firms tend to support the Rival rather than the Incumbent when the later is facing a reelection, and the "capture" transfers from the government to the mass media firm will be increasing in the economic instability of the country." ; Tommasi, Mariano

Pilgrimage involves the movement of people either as individuals or as groups in search of what can be described as the sacred. Since pilgrimage is an integral part of Indian culture and has significant participation, pilgrimage sites and centres are being used by political and corporate organisations to communicate specific messages. The political relevance of religion in our contemporary world cannot be disputed, particularly in the context of a growing consumerist culture and the divisive tactics of most political organisations. In such a scenario, pilgrimage traditions and centres are periodically taken over by political groups. As a particular pilgrimage tradition evolves, sacred sites become formalised into organised socio-political systems with economic overtones. Pilgrimage sites and traditions, both old and new, are promoted through various tools of the mass media, including newspaper articles, television and radio programmes, cinema, tourism literature or advertising campaigns created by private entities as well as government agencies. Looking through the prism of mass media, this paper analyses the new dimensions of pilgrimage that are being created; whether the focus is shifting from the sacred to the secular and then to the social; and how the issues of community and gender are being expressed through pilgrimage-related communication. My perspective is that of a mass media professional who is also an ordinary pilgrim and a solo woman traveller. The paper is not based on strict academic research, but rather on personal encounters and journalistic observations.

This study explores the dynamics of the mass media in fostering economic, cultural, political and social interactions among people and nations of Africa. This paper argues that for the continent to realize its ambitions of regional integration, news contents must be designed by Africans for African environment. In other words, Africa's media practitioners, and news managers must cause a paradigm shift from the western oriented information flow to news patterns that are indigenous in nature. The Lagos Plan of Action (LPA) of 1980, the Abuja Treaty of 1991 etc, are some of the laudable initiatives by African leaders which this paper extols as steps in the right direction towards pursuing Africa's regional integration, but insists that unless African people understand themselves and their history and destiny, as well as share common problems through free flow of information, region integration process will continue to suffer setbacks. It is in line with this thinking that the paper raises some questions which includes; which ways could the media provide effective integration pattern through intra African information flow? What are the challenges of the media in African integration process? Finally, the paper takes a look on the way forward to arrest the challenges of the media in Africa.

This article focuses on the contemporary issues of mass media in Kazakhstan at present. 8248 media (active 2513 media), 212 electronic media, 2392 media of foreign countries are registered in Kazakhstan, and over 9,000 domain names in the domain KZ are registered. 85% make non-governmental media. Currently television channel KazakhTV broadcasts in three languages: Kazakh, Russian and English languages 24 hours. It provides relevant and objective information about Kazakhstan and the events occurring in the world. The channel broadcasts the main local and international news as well as information about major political, economic and sports events. Analyzing translation of KazakhTV news texts it is possible to use different methods of comparative analysis for the theoretical study of news texts identifying linguistically this phenomenon. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n4s2p158

The article is about practical recommendations of improvement of mutual relations are offered between ЗМК and public power which will assist forming of positive image of power. It is worked out to recommendation to the informative institutes in relation to realization of informative campaigns, planning PR, expansion of the system of instruments for more effective co-operation. The purpose and objectives of the research is to consider the relationship between a transmitter and public authorities offer practical recommendations to improve the relationship between media power to facilitate a positive image of tchem government. Methods: systematic and functional retrospective futurological, analysis and synthesis.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14762