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Independent media constitute a crucial component of a liberal democracy, especially for the critical role they can play in advancing the pace of democratization. In the late Soviet era, after Gorbachev lifted state control of the media as part of his glasnost policy, they helped release the hold of communist ideology on society & then went on in the 1990s to mobilize public support for democratic development. Essentially the media constituted the "engine for democratization." More recently, however, the media have become less influential. This chapter focuses on why this has happened & what its implications are for the future of democracy in Russia. J. Stanton

The role of transnational media organizations in influencing diplomacy, foreign affairs, & security has increased in the post-Cold War era. The media has evolved from domestic agencies into interdependent transnationals, as evidenced by CNN's role in the Gulf War. The evolution, structure, & operation of the two major global media players -- CNN & BCC News -- are charted. The media are involved in promoting government activities, but at the same time, need to be harnessed for national security. A "CNN effect" is disputed -- the immediacy of the new media does not necessarily underlie a loss of policy-making control in government. Media issues related to war coverage, military operations, & humanitarian missions are discussed. Traditional barriers to the flow of information will be further dissolved by new technologies, so security policy needs to stay on the cutting edge to address these. M. Pflum

"Der Beitrag skizziert einige Aspekte einer Wissenssoziologie der Massenmedien und darüber hinaus der Wirklichkeitskonstruktion jedermanns, die die Massenmedien durch diverse Inszenierungen sowohl indizieren als auch induzieren. Zum einen wird ein konzeptuelles Instrumentarium dargestellt, das den entsprechenden Zeichen- und Sinnkomplexitäten gerecht werden soll. Es geht insbesondere um soziologische Zugänge zu strukturellen und funktionalen Aspekten von visueller und sprachlicher Medienkultur bzw. Medientexten im Rahmen der Entfaltung mehr oder weniger komplementärer Begrifflichkeiten mit zunächst prinzipieller Ausrichtung. Zum anderen wird in Bezug auf ein empirisches Forschungsprojekt der Frage nachgegangen, inwiefern die Werbung als eine Art Bühne verstanden werden kann, auf der in den Formen von Anzeigen und Spots kulturelle Sinnmuster 'aufgeführt' werden. Die Verfasser konzentrieren sich dabei auf einige inszenierte Muster sozialer Identitäten, die das (re-)inszenierte Alltagswissen der Werbung hauptsächlich bestimmen. Neben den Altersklassen kommen hier die Konstruktionen der Geschlechter, der Erotik (der Geschlechter) und des sozialen Status in Betracht." (Autorenreferat)

This chapter analyzes the emergence & growth of the German branch of ATTAC (Assoc for the Taxation of Financial Transaction for the Aid of Citizens), a transnational social movement organization (TSMO), focusing on how transnational protest events affected its development. It is first noted that in June 2001, after 18 months of mobilization efforts, ATTAC Germany had only 400 members & no national political or media standing. In July, it began attracting some 100 members a week & by year's end, had almost 4,000 members, making it the single most important organization in the German global justice movement. An attempt is made to explain this development based on an adapted version of the political process theory of social movements (McAdam, 1982; Costain, 1994). This theory, which argues that the trajectory of social movements is shaped by contentious interactions with its antagonists & by factors originating from the institutionalized political process, is expanded here to include the mass media & international politics. Applying this theory to analyze empirical data drawn from a media analysis, it is concluded that ATTAC's successful mobilization at that particular time was the result of extensive media coverage of the protests against the European Union (EU) summit in Gothenburg, Sweden, in June & against the G7 summit in Genoa, Italy, in July. Figures. J. Stanton

The author discusses the state of Ukrainian media in the years preceding the Orange Revolution, as well as the media revolution that accompanied, & furthered the victory of, the Orange Revolution. While the early 1990s witnessed a growth in the number of independent media outlets, the late 1990s & early 2000s saw a reversal of that trend. The author discusses two incidences, the Gongadze Case (2001) & the exposure of the temnyky documents (2000-2003) that reflected the resurgence of media censorship. The author then examines how censorship affected different media, including print media, television, internet, & radio, & provides a list of some of the unfair actions taken against the Ukrainian media. Finally, the author explores how journalism & the media changed during the Orange Revolution. J. Harwell

Carl von Clausewitz's (1976) understanding of the relationship between politics & military action is used to comprehend the nature of relations between the mass media, the government, & the military during times of national security crisis. After reviewing contemporary literature that has scrutinized the role of the mass media in international conflict, an overview of Clausewitz's understanding of goverment-military relations is offered, emphasizing his contention that military action is an extension of political processes. The effects of particular social changes & technological advancements upon the military-political relationship within the modern US are then examined. Three hypotheses regarding the nature of the mass media's influence upon international military action are presented, eg, media coverage presently affects US martial strategies; indeed, examples of the media's effects upon the US's war strategies in Kosovo & Afghanistan are cited to bolster these suppositions. In addition, analysis of the UK mass media's reporting of UK operations in Afghanistan has revealed that such media influences have spread beyond North America. 69 References. J. W. Parker

Ground war efforts -- nonbroadcast campaign communications like phone calls, direct mail, & get-out-the vote activities -- were critical in 2002 competitive congressional elections in the US. They were broader than in prior years because their effectiveness was recognized. Democratic ground war strategy continued to be similar to that of the 1998 & 2000 elections, while republicans placed new emphasis on the ground war in 2002. Case studies from the Democratic AFL-CIO activity & the Republican National Federation of Independent Businesses & National Rifle Association are cited. Given ground war successes in 2002, even more emphasis on their tactics is expected in 2004. Difficulties in assessing ground war vs. broadcast communications are discussed. Tables, Figures. M. Pflum

Scrutiny of the mass media's coverage of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks against the US is conducted to determine the relationship between the mass media & terrorist behavior. It is contended that the mass media's reporting of the aforementioned terrorist attacks fundamentally changed the "news frame" employed by US journalists in comprehending national security & domestic & international crisis responses. After defining terrorism as a form of coercive, intimidating behavior enacted against civilians in order to fulfill political objectives, the various techniques, targets, & objectives of terrorist behavior are examined; in addition, differences between group & state terrorism are highlighted. An overview of the theoretical notion of the "news frame" is then provided, emphasizing how such frames function within a broader sociopolitical context; specific attention is dedicated to illuminating the mass media's role in creating the news frame surrounding the international war against terrorism. Several articles that investigate numerous aspects of the affiliation between the mass media & terrorism are also introduced. J. W. Parker

Examines the response of the US news media to the perceived results of the 2000 presidential election. A history of reporting election outcomes & acceleration of broadcasting results is described with attention to the impact of technological advances. The formations of the News Election Service & Voter Research and Surveys & their merger into a single election day newsgathering organization, the Voter News Service (VNS), are summarized. The 2000 election mistakes by the VNS, the media networks, & the electoral system itself are identified with commentary on post-election analysis & reforms. The network recommendations are detailed -- gather more & better data, revise rules for calling election results, clarify reporting results, & improve management of VNS. The prospects for improved news media coverage of elections & calling of electoral results are surmised. 3 Tables, 3 Figures. L. Collins Leigh

The author examines the scarcity of research on the relationship between the media, women, & politics, & traces the under-representation of women in the news media. In addition, she lists five critical areas that need further research: (1) news media coverage of women public officials, (2) the effectiveness of media strategies employed by women candidates, (3) gender differences in press-politician relationships, (4) the effect of a journalist's gender on the public's understanding of politics, & (5) the effects of the media in socializing children about the role of women in the political arena. J. Harwell

The 2002 US Senate race in MO was a long & important one, beginning two years earlier with the accidental death of Democratic Governor Mel Carnahan. At the time, Carnahan was running in the 2000 election against incumbent John Ashcroft, & the Republicans had the lead in the polls. After Carnahan's death, his campaign was taken over by his wife Jean, who won the seat for 2 years. In 2002 former Congressman Jim Talent ran & won against Jean Carnahan with early support from President Bush that probably gave him the edge in the race. Talent was able to use his greater experience & party interest group money to his advantage. The candidates set a spending record for MO elections; spending vehicles, especially TV, & amounts are detailed. Major interest group efforts came from the MO AFL-CIO (for Carnahan) & pro-life & pro-choice groups. Tables. M. Pflum