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"This chapter reviews the major lines of research on five prominent concepts of political communication research linked to the cognitive effects of political mass media: Knowledge gains and gaps, cultivation, agenda setting, priming, and framing. Basic ideas, typical methodologies, key findings and the cognitive processes behind the concepts are discussed in detail, common conceptual roots are identified, and key methodological challenges are highlighted. Finally, some of the overlaps and differences between the approaches are discussed in order to take a step toward a more integrative and coherent view of cognitive media effects in political communication. The chapter argues that both empirical and theoretical advances are needed to get to a better and less fragmented understanding of cognitive media effects in political communication." (publisher's description).

"This chapter reviews the major lines of research on five prominent concepts of political communication research linked to the cognitive effects of political mass media: Knowledge gains and gaps, cultivation, agenda setting, priming, and framing. Basic ideas, typical methodologies, key findings and the cognitive processes behind the concepts are discussed in detail, common conceptual roots are identified, and key methodological challenges are highlighted. Finally, some of the overlaps and differences between the approaches are discussed in order to take a step toward a more integrative and coherent view of cognitive media effects in political communication. The chapter argues that both empirical and theoretical advances are needed to get to a better and less fragmented understanding of cognitive media effects in political communication." (publisher's description)

This chapter analyzes the emergence & growth of the German branch of ATTAC (Assoc for the Taxation of Financial Transaction for the Aid of Citizens), a transnational social movement organization (TSMO), focusing on how transnational protest events affected its development. It is first noted that in June 2001, after 18 months of mobilization efforts, ATTAC Germany had only 400 members & no national political or media standing. In July, it began attracting some 100 members a week & by year's end, had almost 4,000 members, making it the single most important organization in the German global justice movement. An attempt is made to explain this development based on an adapted version of the political process theory of social movements (McAdam, 1982; Costain, 1994). This theory, which argues that the trajectory of social movements is shaped by contentious interactions with its antagonists & by factors originating from the institutionalized political process, is expanded here to include the mass media & international politics. Applying this theory to analyze empirical data drawn from a media analysis, it is concluded that ATTAC's successful mobilization at that particular time was the result of extensive media coverage of the protests against the European Union (EU) summit in Gothenburg, Sweden, in June & against the G7 summit in Genoa, Italy, in July. Figures. J. Stanton

The author discusses the state of Ukrainian media in the years preceding the Orange Revolution, as well as the media revolution that accompanied, & furthered the victory of, the Orange Revolution. While the early 1990s witnessed a growth in the number of independent media outlets, the late 1990s & early 2000s saw a reversal of that trend. The author discusses two incidences, the Gongadze Case (2001) & the exposure of the temnyky documents (2000-2003) that reflected the resurgence of media censorship. The author then examines how censorship affected different media, including print media, television, internet, & radio, & provides a list of some of the unfair actions taken against the Ukrainian media. Finally, the author explores how journalism & the media changed during the Orange Revolution. J. Harwell

The subject matter of this article is an incorporation of contemporary media systems within the cross-linking processes of the social structure, and in particular, meditative mechanisms of the forming and marking of the life-styles by means of transmission of the generalized codes of social inequality and cultural distinctions. Against the background of the Ukrainian materials the empirical classes of preferences, which are understood as patterns of correspondence between media sources and communication practices of the audiences varied by the status and cultural characteristics, are considered.

After documenting how the mass media manipulates images of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the realities of this conflict "on the ground" & reasons for its continuity are examined. Focus is on how the embryonic Palestinian state is represented as "failing" at policing tasks that are more appropriately the duty of a sovereign state; political-geographic constraints on state authority are also identified. The history of the Oslo Agreements is traced & it is shown how the creation of a Palestinian National Authority has caused the state to be labeled "rogue" & incapable of preventing terrorism. A Gramscian perspective illuminates the function of intrastate geopolitics & the critical role of a territory over which two parties desire exclusive control in shaping the power dynamics & continuing conflict in the region between Israel & the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). Figures, References. K. Hyatt Stewart

"This paper reviews research on the role of communication in political socialization. Starting from a basic definition the impact of different agents (family, peers, school, mass media) and communicative processes (interpersonal vs. mass communication) on various outcomes of political socialization (i.e. political knowledge, norms and values, attitudes, participation) is discussed. It is argued that research has amply demonstrated the role of media and communication as agents of socialization. However, the paper highlights that changes in parental generations, the media landscape, and in adolescents themselves provide good reason to revisit questions of how communication impacts how adolescents develop into citizens in democratic societies. Finally, the chapter addresses several aspects that researchers should consider in their future work on political socialization." (publisher's description)

"This paper reviews research on the role of communication in political socialization. Starting from a basic definition the impact of different agents (family, peers, school, mass media) and communicative processes (interpersonal vs. mass communication) on various outcomes of political socialization (i.e. political knowledge, norms and values, attitudes, participation) is discussed. It is argued that research has amply demonstrated the role of media and communication as agents of socialization. However, the paper highlights that changes in parental generations, the media landscape, and in adolescents themselves provide good reason to revisit questions of how communication impacts how adolescents develop into citizens in democratic societies. Finally, the chapter addresses several aspects that researchers should consider in their future work on political socialization." (publisher's description).

"This article argues that mass media explanations of HIV/AIDS in Africa are strongly influenced by longstanding notions of a savage African sexuality. It presents results of a discourse analysis of Germany's leading quality newsmagazine and newspapers from 1982 to 2010. These are shown to depict African sexuality as heterosexual, unrestrained, but partly gendered, turning the African woman into the icon of whore or Madonna." (author's abstract)

"This chapter discusses attitudinal effects in political communication. It is argued that mass media are most influential in shaping political attitudes compared to direct experience and interpersonal communication. Furthermore, the role of message (e.g., tone, framing) and source characteristics (e.g., credibility) as well as elaborative vs. peripheral information processing is discussed. Based on a review of relevant studies, the chapter distinguishes between media effects on attitudes towards the political system (e.g., media malaise hypothesis) and towards parties, candidates, and issues and discusses respective findings. The chapter also critically reflects on factors moderating or mediating attitudinal effects as well as on methodological issues. Although attitudinal effects of political communication have been shown by numerous studies, the author argues that scholars should especially take a dose look at media effects on party identification and issue preference in the future and more frequently use innovative research designs to further improve our knowledge of attitudinal effects in political communication." (publisher's description)

"This chapter reviews research on the long-term development of political communication, mainly focusing on the changes occurring over the last decades. The overview first discusses conceptual, theoretical and methodological issues, addressing trends like mediatization and professionalization as well as several phase models developed to describe changes of political communication. Then, the author reflects upon the evolution of mass media and political communication, including technological, organizational and economical changes and their consequences for political media content and political journalism. After that political communication is looked at in a broader perspective of political and social changes which both condition and stimulate the transformation of political communication (e.g., Americanization, modernization, globalization, localization). Finally, the political consequences of this transformation are touched upon by discussing recent trends in election campaign communication." (publisher's description)

Argues that recognizing repression as an act of strategic communication in the public sphere is critical for understanding contentious politics in modern democracies. It is contended that political communication is now dependent on the dynamics of public discourse in the mass media. The mediating role of public discourse in shaping the conditions & consequences of repression is described as a set of "discursive opportunities" that explain why some messages are diffused & others are not. It was hypothesized that: 1) repression reacts to violence as portrayed in the media; 2) the extreme right's lack of legitimacy enhances the diffusion of repression; & 3) the problematic nature of immigrants makes diffusion less likely. Theoretical aspects are explored & the argument is empirically tested through an analysis of 11,000 claims of repression against xenophobic & extreme right groups/individuals in Germany that were published in three Frankfurt newspapers in the period 1990-99. The results confirmed all four hypotheses. 1 Table, 1 Figure, 26 References. J. Lindroth

Argues that recognizing repression as an act of strategic communication in the public sphere is critical for understanding contentious politics in modern democracies. It is contended that political communication is now dependent on the dynamics of public discourse in the mass media. The mediating role of public discourse in shaping the conditions & consequences of repression is described as a set of "discursive opportunities" that explain why some messages are diffused & others are not. It was hypothesized that: 1) repression reacts to violence as portrayed in the media; 2) the extreme right's lack of legitimacy enhances the diffusion of repression; & 3) the problematic nature of immigrants makes diffusion less likely. Theoretical aspects are explored & the argument is empirically tested through an analysis of 11,000 claims of repression against xenophobic & extreme right groups/individuals in Germany that were published in three Frankfurt newspapers in the period 1990-99. The results confirmed all four hypotheses. 1 Table, 1 Figure, 26 References. J. Lindroth

This paper revises the category of the emergent reader in the light of the media theory of reading. The purpose is to find a solution to the long-occurring problems of the readers from the age of the television and the digital age, among which are easier reading refusal, reading incomprehension and susceptibility to manipulation when reading. Methods: Systematic and critical analysis was applied to the studies of the new theory of the First Thousand Days of Life, as well as to the effects of the preliteracy and emergent literacy programs. We also took into account the findings and the recommendations for future research on the developing readers, formulated in the "Stavanger Declaration Concerning the Future of Reading" published in January 2019. The results show that reading foundations are laid much earlier before it was ever thought - a circumstance that is underestimated by parents, politicians, educators and even researchers. Taking into account the increasing risks in the global reading medium, we propose the development of policies for expert trainings on "future image" of the child, professional mentor son home and family reading and personal tutors for reading culture.

An exploration of prime ministerial power in Sweden argues that the lessening of the prime minister's dependence on parliament or the Social Democratic Party is at least partly obtained from the electorate itself. Power resources available to the prime minister; the organization of Sweden's political parties; dynamics of party competition; & trends toward a shift from an emphasis on parties to individuals are examined. Given the nature of today's mass media, it is contended that it would be extremely difficult for a party to depose a popular prime minister. The argument that Sweden is already presidentialized is bolstered by the prime minister's ability to create a majority through negotiations with opposition party members & decision-making advantages provided by membership in the European Union. However, significant limits to presidentialization are pointed out to conclude that many of the conditions that have created what appears to be an "informal Swedish presidency" are not structural & therefore may diminish in importance according to prevailing political circumstances. 1 Table, 1 Figure, 47 References. J. Lindroth