This paper is the result of study that focus to media practices and disinformation especially to political disinformation in Indonesia. There are four factors that push this study so it was done seriously. First, information has the important role that can shape and color the reality. Second, freedom of information and expression require the accountable and transparency. Therefore it needs the responsibility for implementation. Third, information can be controlled by any kind of interests. Fourth, the spread of information can be limited, stored and deviated. The production and reproduction of information can be designed in according to any differences interests. Finally the gap to access of informationcanmakeitmisusingandmisleading. Inthiscontextmassmediahassignificantposition to make disinformation through selecting and drawing to the events in the line with the interests. Mass media can be controlled by the owner, parties, NGO (Non-Government Organization), and any factions that involve the competition. Then disinformation took place when communications conflict show up through giving false and mistaken information.
Michael Massing argues that the news media is being adversely affected by the internet because of declining advertising revenue. As a result newspapers and television networks are cutting staff, especially foreign correspondents. The top-tier of newspapers has been adversely affected but second-tier newspapers like the Boston Globe and the Baltimore Sun have been devastated. As a result there is a greater reliance on fewer reporters and fewer areas of coverage. In order to increase revenues newspapers have begun to cater to affluent audiences. Thus, they have larger business section and fewer reports on poverty and labor/working class issues. Massing outlines some of the structural forces at work with reporting including the general gravitation pull to the political right as a result of constant attacks on the "liberal media" by pundits like Rush Limbaugh and Bill O'Reilly, the influence of public opinion on what gets investigate and how it is reported, and the over-reliance of the press on Washington insiders. He also takes up the reporting on Iraq and concludes that the internet cannot replace a large news organization with "deep pockets". Robert Scheer is not pessimistic about the media today because many forms of it have continued to sell like books and movies. Radio is also vibrant. He concedes that newspapers are in trouble and may need a new business model. Likewise, blogs and news aggregators like the Huffington Post and Truthdig are also trying to build economically viable ventures. Further, he argues that the internet has facilitated much more research, made access to news instantaneous and offered more perspectives on current events. He credits the media with ending the idea of US empire through exposing its costs, delegitimizing the idea of the US as a "city on a hill", and questioning the central role of markets in US society. He notes that there are a good many excellent journalists active today and journalism could be even better if academics wrote more broadly, if large corporations did not dominate the big media outlets, and if there was greater public control of the media. The accompanying audio files provide the complete recording of the two talks.
This article sets out to examine the linkages between the media and politics in Turkey. It argues that, rooted in the world of politics from the outset, Turkish media has always been marked by a high degree of political parallelism. As regulator and funder, the state, making up the political majority, exerted strong control over the media. In the 1990s, the shift to a globalized market and the explosive growth of private broadcasting did not decrease the high degree of political parallelism. Instead, it enabled media owners to use their media properties to intervene in political decisions that have a central role in capital accumulation. Today, deeply divided into two camps, media is the principal locus of bitter political strife.
Economic considerations, identity related considerations and cueing theory are used for explaining citizens' attitudes towards the European Union. Yet, all of this research has failed to show how elite cues on interests and identities actually reach the citizens. As a consequence, the author argues that domestic mass media as the most widely used source for citizens' information about the European Union has the potential to fill this missing link. Mass media actively construct reality by promoting ideas (agenda-setting and framing) and thereby shaping processes of socialization and persuasion. In this article the author discusses theoretical concepts of how mass media might affect citizens' attitudes, summarizes what we know about the role of domestic mass media in the course of EU integration, derives research desiderates and finally shows why knowledge on the link between mass media and citizens is paramount to understand the future of EU integration.
The end of the Cold War represented an apparent victory for NATO, capitalism, free enterprise, and democracy over the Warsaw Pact, Marxism-Leninist communism, and the Russian-Soviet empire. In 1991, five newly independent republics of Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan) emerged from the wreckage of that watershed event. Each new government proclaimed its commitment to free enterprise economic systems and democratic governance. Western democracies, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and human rights groups lauded that commitment to democratic mass media systems as stabilizing, modernizing, and nation-building tools. Unfortunately, significant obstacles remain to functional and effective press systems able to maintain economic, editorial, and political autonomy. Because Russian and Soviet-era press conventions still strongly influence the press in Central Asia, this article begins with a brief overview of the Russian colonial and czarist press system from the 1860s to the Russian Revolution of 1917. It then presents a brief history of press controls under the Soviet Union. Thus, forms of Russian domination of Central Asian journalism persisted for almost 130 years, leaving deeply entrenched czarist-Soviet press methods, controls, and traditions. The study then summarizes significant arenas of contemporary research on Central Asian mass media, including detailed evidence of the complexity, diversity, and depth of barriers to free and effective press systems. It establishes that imposed Soviet-era journalism philosophy and practices remain much of the foundation for current professional ideology. Although there were some positive aspects to the Soviet press system, inherited professional habits, conventions, ideology, and socialist economics still obstruct adoption of aspects of Western models hallmarked by independent journalism and advocacy of a more operative form of social responsibility to audiences. The article then outlines the conflict between external and internal pressures to establish free and democratic press systems where regimes actively resist such efforts. That resistance includes formal and informal policies of censorship and repression that restrain journalists and the mass media they serve. Despite outside efforts to promote democratization of the press, these repressitarian governments remain highly authoritarian and exert varying but high degrees of direct and indirect censorship and content control. Among them are onerous libel laws, fabricated criminal charges against journalists, unfair tax audits, license terminations, and pressure on advertisers and printing houses when media content is deemed overly critical and adversarial. Recent murders of journalists further chill independent reporting. This synthesized examination of recent mass media research makes clear that five separate systems have replaced the unitary Soviet one, but with such shared attributes as official or quasi-official censorship; self-censorship; lack of free-market sustainability; constraints on independence and professionalism; and a press ideology that values service to the state above independence, fairness, balance, and accuracy. Distinctions among the systems include the presence or absence of independent and opposition media outlets; degrees of public access to the Internet and foreign media; and availability of university and professional education and training. Collectively, this research illustrates the limited success of external forces in furthering media pluralism. Those forces are foreign governments and multi-governmental entities, international media-building and civil society-building NGOs, Western journalism trainers and professors, and foreign media outlets that disseminate print, broadcast, and Internet content. In addition, these studies summarized demonstrate how regimes and elites use—and abuse—the law to control news and information about public affairs, controversy, and public issues and how they disregard constitutional and statutory assurances of press freedom. Democratization of the press will also require changing journalists' widely accepted role as acquiescent or reluctant—let alone enthusiastic—apparatuses of the state. The impetus and energy for developing free press systems in Central Asia are primarily external. Since the breakup of the Soviet Union, the region has been under pressure, mostly from the United States and Western Europe, to create and sustain "free press" systems essential to civil society. To a great extent, such external advocacy manifested the neo-conservative U.S. foreign policy ideology promulgated by former President George W. Bush and his advisors. Their interest was to democratize authoritarian nations when politically and economically expedient, as in oiland mineral-rich Central Asia. Intensive Western efforts to encourage marketor advertising-supported media in former communist nations generally succeeded in Eastern and Central Europe. Such efforts failed in Central Asia, where media generally lack mass audiences and economic resources to attract advertisers and support the free market concept of news as a commodity. Supporters and funders of democratic press projects in the region include the Council for the International Exchange of Scholars; British Broadcasting Corporation; Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe; Civic Education Project (Soros Foundation); International Research and Exchanges Board; Cable News Network; Freedom House; Internews; and the International Center for Journalists. Other NGOs, such as the Committee to Protect Journalists, Amnesty International, International PEN, Reporters Sans Frontières, and Human Rights Watch do not directly engage in journalism education and training but monitor press freedom and advocate against harsh restraints. Some regimes recognize advantages of modernizing media content, even while controlling it, by allowing journalists to learn Western news writing and reporting styles and conventions. Professional writing and reporting skills are useful to journalists, even if they are not permitted to report in an unfettered manner, and to propagandists. Western educators have taught in otherwise tightly controlled newsrooms and universities because of donor nation and funder pressure; allowing democratic journalism trainings to take place presents at least a façade of a commitment to free press systems. Yet it remains relatively easy for authorities to censor media content that is too reflective of Western news values and reporting conventions. That is particularly true if content criticizes the regime or other powerful interests. Journalists are often punished for stories they print or broadcast. Not surprisingly, self-censorship remains a domineering force, even in the absence of official censorship. We now discuss the Soviet colonial period and its influence on contemporary Central Asian media.
Mass media plays a crucial role in infirmation distribution and thus in the political market and public policy making. Theory predicts that infirmation provided by mass media reflects the media's incentives to provide news to different types of groups in society, and affects these groups?influence in policy-making. We use data on agricultural policy from 60 countries, spanning a wide range of development stages and media markets, to test these predictions. We find that, in line with theoretical predictions, public support to agriculture is strongly affected by the structure of the mass media. In particular, a greater role of the private mass media in society is associated with policies which benefit the majority more: it reduces taxation of agriculture in poor countries and reduces subsidization of agriculture in rich countries, ceteris paribus. The evidence is also consistent with the hypothesis that increased competition in commercial media reduces transfers to special interest groups and contributes to more efficient public policies.
5 pages, 6 figures. ; This letter focus on the effect of repulsive interactions on the adoption of an external message in an opinion model. With a simple change in the rules, we modify the Deffuant \emph{et al.} model to incorporate the presence of repulsive interactions. We will show that information receptiveness is optimal for an intermediate fraction of repulsive links. Using the master equation as well as Monte Carlo simulations of the message-free model, we identify the point where the system becomes optimally permeable to external influence with an order-disorder transition. ; We acknowledge financial support by the MEC (Spain) and FEDER (EU) through project FIS2007-60327. TVM acknowledges the support of FCT (Portugal) through Grant No. SFRH/BD/23709/2005, MP is supported by the Belgian Federal Government (IAP project "NOSY: Nonlinear systems, stochastic processes and statistical mechanics"). ; Peer reviewed
Referring to the concepts, communicative democracy is defined as free, open and democratic communication organized around three equally legitimate public sphere actors – politicians, journalists and public opinion, and populism is understood as good, entertaining and effective communication with people, eroding basic functions of the political parties (institutionalization of ideological conflicts) and politicians (representation), the paper provides insights about the dangers to quality of democracy if the free mass media gets utterly away from political parallelism. Special attention is placed on the tendencies of media personnel to be active in the political life. The paper conceptualizes a tremendous decrease (by one third) in public trust in mass media in Lithuania, observed from 1998 to 2009 and interprets this change as a cumulative result of the post-communist illstructured political field under pressing liberalization and democratization coupled with specific patterns of the Lithuanian political culture and public sphere. In the conditions of a still relatively high public trust in mass-media and scarce foreign ownership of the mass-media outlets in Lithuania, the local media barons are able to produce and impose their own public-agenda. The Lithuanian massmedia and government relations evolve along the lines of the zero-sum game: they seek to control each other, and at the same time try to avoid being controlled by the other, while any other pattern of inter-relations does not appear as viable and appropriate. INTUNE project survey (2009) shows that the media elite's influence in the national decision making process is significantly higher in Lithuania than, for instance, in Germany or Hungary.Key words: populism, communicative democracy, mass-media ownership, public sphere, public trust.
Public distrust of political institutions as well as civil service itself is still dominantin Lithuanian society. The paper seeks to reveal the image of civil servants and civilservice itself which undoubtedly is related with public trust. The paper is based on theanalysis of empirical quantitative data and content analysis. Comparative analysis ofpublic opinion surveys conducted in 2003 and 2008 indicate that public approachtowards civil service is changing very slightly and sceptical attitudes are the leadingones. The content analysis of selected newspapers and online internet news reveals thatcritical information about civil service is more frequent than a positive one. It might beassumed that the above mentioned issues have negative influence on civil service imageand possibly imply sceptical public attitudes towards civil service.
Dottorato di ricerca in Società, istituzioni e sistemi politici europei (19.-20. secolo) ; Una ricerca sull'emigrazione italiana, in Belgio, nel secondo dopoguerra, legata ai temi della rappresentazione e della auto-rappresentazione mediatica. E' prevalso in questa analisi, lo studio di "nuovi" media come cinema, radio e tv (INR, RTB e successivamente RTBF) e infine la presenza in rete. Dalla firma dei trattati bilaterali alla presa di coscienza delle condizioni di vita e di lavoro dei lavoratori italiani, attraverso i mass-media belgi, si è cercato di tracciare l'evoluzione nella rappresentazione della figura del migrante per valutare le modalità e il livello d'integrazione nella società d'arrivo. Quale importanza ebbero nella "rappresentazione" mediatica della società belga? Gli italiani necessari per vincere la "Bataille du Charbon" furono purtroppo indelebilmente legati all'alleanza con la Germania nazista. Fin da subito idee "a priori" entrano nell'opinione pubblica belga. Gli emigrati italiani sono oggetto di critiche, ironie e sarcasmi. D'altro canto sono spesso relegati in gruppi sociali chiusi, con usanze diametralmente diverse dal paese d'accoglienza. Inoltre nei periodi di crisi, gli immigrati sembrano diventare le prime vittime del malcontento sociale. Lo "shock culturale" fa il resto. Tuttavia da queste differenze nasce un confronto costruttivo che inizia a dare i suoi frutti e permette di verificare quali tratti d'assimilazione gli italiani del Belgio acquisiscono nel tempo, adottando progressivamente il modo di vivere locale, in una particolare commistione di usanze e di linguaggi. La televisione diventa il simbolo di questa società mista ormai unita nei consumi. Una televisione che da un lato uniforma i comportamenti e le mentalità ma che dall'altro lato mostra anche l'emigrato come diverso, denunciando talvolta i disequilibri sociali tangibili. Si sottolinea anche la situazione cinematografica belga e la difficile rappresentazione della comunità italiana. Una rappresentazione spesso negata fino alla metà degli anni 70, momento d'inizio della auto-rappresentazione ed elaborazione personale dell'emigrazione da parte di giovani registi della seconda generazione. L'archivio RTBF (radio e TV) ha meritato un'attenzione particolare sia per le condizioni di consultazione, sia per la paradossale conservazione della serie completa di pellicole circa la trasmissione in lingua italiana "Ciao amici". Questo punto rende l'analisi dell'archivio particolarmente interessante e utile a rafforzare l'idea che la costruzione di un'identità propria passa inevitabilmente tramite l'uso del mezzo di comunicazione e tramite la libertà di espressione circa le proprie necessità comunitarie. La rete Internet diventa poi negli ultimi anni strumento di comunicazione per eccellenza unendo, di fatto, bassi costi di accesso ad innumerevoli possibilità tecniche di scambio d'informazione e d'espressione. Da semplice sito vetrina a vero portale collaborativo, la presenza italiana sul web è multiforme e trans-generazionale. La complessità e la varietà delle realtà digitali disponibili propongono uno specchio assai fedele della realtà odierna, dando voce non solo alle prime generazioni dell'emigrazione post-bellica ma soprattutto alle terze e perfino quarte generazioni di italo-belgi. ; A research on Italian migration in Belgium, during the post-war era, linked to the subject of mediatic representation and self-representation. In this analysis the study of "new" media such as cinema, radio and TV (INR, RTB and then RTBF) as well as the Internet has prevailed. From the signature of the first bilateral treaties to the awareness of the life conditions of the Italian workers, the essay traces the evolution in the representation of the Italian migrant figure. Through the Belgian mass-media the essay evaluates the ways of integration in the arrival society. What importance had the Italian community in the mediatic "representation" of the Belgian society? The Italian miners, so necessary to win the "coal war", were unfortunately indelibly connected to the alliance with the Nazi Germany. Immediately some "a priori" ideas settled in the Belgian public opinion. The Italian migrants are often criticized with irony and sarcasm. On the other hand they are often relegated in closed social groups, with diametrically different customs from the hosting country. Besides, in period of crisis migrants tend to become the first victims of the social discontent. The "cultural shock" does the rest. However from these differences, a new positive confrontation takes place and allows us to check which assimilation features are taking place in the Italian community living in Belgium. They gradually adopt the local way of living, in a particular mix of customs and languages. Television becomes the symbol of this mixed society, united altogether in the consumption. A television that on one side standardizes the behaviours and the mentality but that on the other hand shows the migrant as a different person, sometimes denouncing the palpable social imbalances. The situation of the Belgian movie industry is underlined as well as its difficult representation of the Italian community. A representation often denied until the second half of the 70's, moment in which the auto-representation begins together with the personal elaboration of young directors coming from the second generation. The RTBF archive (radio and TV) has deserved a special attention for its consultation conditions but also because it has paradoxically preserved the complete set of film regarding the "Ciao amici" show, aired in Italian. This point is particularly interesting and useful to stress out the idea that the building of a self-identity goes inevitably with the use of the communication medium and through the right to the freedom of expression, particularly regarding the community needs. Internet has become, in these last years, a capital communication instrument, combining low access costs to numberless technical ways to share information and to express oneself, even as a community. From simple websites to true collaborative online portals, the Italian presence on the web is multiform and trans-generational. The complexity and variety of the available digital realities are a "truthful" mirror of today Italian reality, giving voice not only to the first generation of the post-war migration but especially to the third and even fourth generation of Italo-Belgian.
Il tema della comunicazione istituzionale connessa alle politiche pubbliche in materia migratoria. Per la rivista del Ministero dell'Interno che promuove questa tematica dfi discussione.
This article discusses one of the most relevant contemporary criminological problems – crime fears. The issue of crime fears emerged four decades ago and became of big importance to political, professional and public discourses. Many practitioners consider the problem of crime fears not less significant than crime problem itself. The article discusses the gravity of this topic in modern society, provides major theoretical models of fear of crime, analyses what function do fears take in political discourse and explains their interaction with mass media, which are one of the main disseminators of criminal fears in contemporary society. Simultaneously, it is important to emphasize that media's crime fear discourse and narratives are not autonomous, since "the fear of crime feedback loop" includes different social agents that enable its functioning. Thus, we may discuss a certain relation between mass media and crime fears, but not the direct causality between the two.
This article discusses one of the most relevant contemporary criminological problems – crime fears. The issue of crime fears emerged four decades ago and became of big importance to political, professional and public discourses. Many practitioners consider the problem of crime fears not less significant than crime problem itself. The article discusses the gravity of this topic in modern society, provides major theoretical models of fear of crime, analyses what function do fears take in political discourse and explains their interaction with mass media, which are one of the main disseminators of criminal fears in contemporary society. Simultaneously, it is important to emphasize that media's crime fear discourse and narratives are not autonomous, since "the fear of crime feedback loop" includes different social agents that enable its functioning. Thus, we may discuss a certain relation between mass media and crime fears, but not the direct causality between the two.
Maģistra darbā "Implicītā satura izpausme publicistikā" ir aplūkoti četri izplatītākie implicītā satura veidi – eifēmismi, disfēmismi, presupozīcijas un implikācijas – dažādos plašsaziņas līdzekļos, akcentējot politikas valodu. Šim nolūkam tika pētīti laikraksti, žurnāli, interneta lappuses, televīzijas un radio pārraides, tādējādi tika fiksēti eifēmismu, disfēmismu, presupozīciju un implikāciju piemēri. Pētījums par implicītā satura veidiem tika veikts tādēļ, ka tā ir diezgan maz pētīta tēma, kas ļoti izplatīta ir politikas valodā. Aizvien biežāk politikas valodā sāk izmantot netiešos ietekmēšanas līdzekļus, jo tiešie ietekmēšanas līdzekļi ir kļuvuši mazāk efektīvi. Darbam ir septiņas nodaļas. Pirmajā nodaļā ir aprakstīta plašsaziņas līdzekļu valoda, balstoties uz Jāņa Sila, Diānas Pavlovskas u.c. autoru atzinumiem, kā arī autores novērojumiem, strādājot plašsaziņas līdzekļu sfērā. Otrajā nodaļā ir aprakstīta politikas valoda, kurā izmantotas krievu autora A. P. Čudinova atziņas. Trešajā nodaļā ir paskaidrots, kas ir implicītais saturs. Ceturtajā nodaļā ir aprakstīti eifēmismi, savukārt piektajā – disfēmismi. Pētījumus par eifēmismiem un disfēmismiem totalitāro režīmu laikā ir veicis Andrejs Veisbergs un Viktors Klemperers. Sestajā nodaļā ir aprakstītas presupozīcijas, savukārt septītajā – implikācijas. Tās ir pētījuši Ilze Plaude, Džordžs Jūls, Stīvens Levinsons, Jānis Rozenbergs u.c. Atslēgvārdi: - politikas valoda; - implicīts saturs; - eifēmismi; - disfēmismi; - presupozīcijas; - implikācijas; - ietekmēšana. ; The Master`s Thesis "The Expression of Implicit Content in Mass Media" is a study of 4 most widespread types of implicit contents – euphemisms, dysphemisms, presuppositions and implications in different mass media, emphasizing the political "language". For this purpose, newspapers, magazines, Internet sites, TV and radio programmes were studied, in this way recording the examples of euphemisms, dysphemisms, presuppositions and implications. The research on these types of implicit contents was carried out, since so far considerably little research has been devoted to this subject, which is a very widespread issue in the political language. Indirect influence techniques are used more and more in the political language because the direct influence techniques have become less effective. The Thesis consists of 7 chapters. Chapter I is a description of mass media language; in Chapter II the political language is described on the basis of author's observations, which were obtained during work in the mass media sphere. In Chapter III the meaning of implicit contents is explained. In Chapter IV euphemisms are described, in Chapter V – dysphemisms, but Chapter V is devoted to a study of presuppositions and Chapter VII – of implications. In this Thesis the author has used theoretical materials of Jānis Sils, Diāna Pavlovska, Anatolijs Čudinovs, Andrejs Veisbergs, Victor Klemperer, George Yule, Stephen Levinson, Ilze Plaude and other authors. Keywords: - political language; - implicit contents; - euphemisms; - dysphemisms; - presuppositions; - implications; - influence.
This paper applies a normative democratic perspective on European constitutional politics to the analysis of discursive practices related to the crisis of the "Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe" (TCE), in the aftermath of the failed referenda. Starting from three distinct logics of constitutionalisation, we ask whether and in which ways EU constitutional politics has interacted with the general public sphere. In terms of constitution politics, did the national mass media basically ignore the European dimension, and fail to take the debate beyond the national state? Or did they closely represent deliberations that went on during the "reflection period," and present the various reasons for and against this joint agreement designed to get the EU out of its impasse? And, moreover, did they represent social contentions and enhance the diversity of interests and identities involved in the constitutional crisis debates in the run up to the Lisbon Reform Treaty? To answer these questions, we will use the methodology of comparative discourse analysis and a data set covering constitutional media debates from May 2005 - June 2007 in 14 EU member and candidate countries.
