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Discusses black-oriented programming on US network TV. As of 1997, the three newest networks, FOX, UPN, & WB, had more black-oriented shows in their fall schedules than NBC, ABC, or CBS. There is a lack of variety in black programming, & while there were several black-oriented shows in the 1997 season, they were primarily sitcoms. The 1996 Telecommunications Act has had an impact on programming, resulting in a global conglomeration of some media corporations. The three newest networks have narrowed the scope of their marketing to target a more specific demographic rather than market the least objectionable programs to the widest possible audience. There are difficulties involved in directing programs to everyone in the global audience while still maintaining a variety. A. Lee

Explores what the media should do in a multiethnic society, highlighting issues of citizenship. Differentiated citizenship would accord different rights to different ethnic groups; national minorities, eg, Native Americans, in multinational societies would have the right to self-govern. A policy of differentiated citizenship would allow different ethnic groups to be formally recognized by the state & would make a multiethnic media possible. It is important to create a multiethnic public sphere. A. Lee

Explores what the media should do in a multiethnic society, highlighting issues of citizenship. Differentiated citizenship would accord different rights to different ethnic groups; national minorities, eg, Native Americans, in multinational societies would have the right to self-govern. A policy of differentiated citizenship would allow different ethnic groups to be formally recognized by the state & would make a multiethnic media possible. It is important to create a multiethnic public sphere. A. Lee

An exploration of conspiracy theory as a model for analyzing the communications process focuses on the Front National in France to argue that conspiracy theory is basic to its ideology, especially the belief that the media & political elites are involved in a conspiracy to weaken the Front as a step toward eliminating true nationalism in France. The characteristics of right-wing conspiracy thinking & the political power struggle in France are described. The effectiveness of conspiracy models for media scholarship is explored, & a conspiracy model that allows consideration of the many variations of mass political communication is applied to the Front National. The model is compared to other theoretical models for analyzing mass communications to show that the conspiracy model is equally, if not more, effective. The Front National's current weakened position is examined, along with its prospects for the future, & promising developments that suggest France is now confronting its fascist history & educators are moving to fill the historical void left by French conspiracy theory. 59 References. J. Lindroth

Develops a model for measuring the cultural impact of social movements, centered on public discourse, defined as public communications about topics & actors related to some policy domain that is carried out in various forums, the mass media being the most important. Social movements influence public discourse when they receive media standing &/or a significant increase in the prominence of their preferred frame. They fail to influence public discourse when their frame is preempted, or when it is rejected by the mass media. Success is determined by a number of factors, including sponsor activites, media norms & practices, cultural resonances, & the narrative fit of proposed frames. Thus, by measuring cultural impact on these terms, researchers can determine the success of social movements with some degree of empirical precision. However, winning the battle of discourse does not necessarily translate into success in other realms; it is simply a necessary condition for success in changing policies & practices. 1 Figure. D. Ryfe

Drawing on the experiences of young people in Kathmandu, Nepal, the symbolic & structural impact of rapid modernization on youth identity is examined. As a result of Kathmandu's rapid entrance into the international market, youth in this region have been subjected to a number of transforming & conflicting forces: changing perceptions of reality, the tension between traditional & Western identities, competition between multiple & diverse systems of meaning, & the erosion of the parent generation's value system. Although the new middle class has been able to establish local power & class identity through the utilization of foreign resources & aid, this process has made Kathmandu's residents simultaneously dependent on & marginalized from Western mainstream society. In addition to the passive consumption of Western ideals & meanings, the middle class is able to produce its own unique form of consumer identity through investment in & manipulation of local media & consumer resources. For Kathmandu youth, the experience of modernity is characterized by the distance between their imagined ideals created through Western media & the reality of their social situations. Although their dreams & aspirations are increasingly Westernized, their incorporation of local & traditional values creates a unique vision of modernity. 40 References. T. Sevier

Six hypotheses describing changes in the post-Cold War workings of media coverage, public opinion, & government are advanced through examples of policy making concerning Bosnia, Kosovo, & Somalia. With the breakdown of the Cold War framework, defining & defending US interests have become more complex, & independent media may be exerting greater influence over the foreign policy process. Several concepts are explored: The media, left to fill the Cold War gap with their own theories on international relations tends to place a double bind on the president by demanding assertive interventionist leadership & then chastising any setbacks or failures. Public opinion, presented with more visual data, is reified, but does not always resemble the true desire & interests of the American people. Due to core ideological beliefs that legitimize government control & media regulation, Republicans tend to dominate media coverage more than Democrats. In many instances public opinion achieves representation without deliberation. L. A. Hoffman

Ground war efforts -- nonbroadcast campaign communications like phone calls, direct mail, & get-out-the vote activities -- were critical in 2002 competitive congressional elections in the US. They were broader than in prior years because their effectiveness was recognized. Democratic ground war strategy continued to be similar to that of the 1998 & 2000 elections, while republicans placed new emphasis on the ground war in 2002. Case studies from the Democratic AFL-CIO activity & the Republican National Federation of Independent Businesses & National Rifle Association are cited. Given ground war successes in 2002, even more emphasis on their tactics is expected in 2004. Difficulties in assessing ground war vs. broadcast communications are discussed. Tables, Figures. M. Pflum

Discusses "whiteness" & the role the media plays in the construction, circulation, & contestation of it. To perpetuate whiteness, the media uses the techniques of exnomination -- recognizing only minority, not dominant, culture as ethnic; naturalization -- regarding whiteness & its privileges as natural rather than socially constructed; & universalization -- the assumption that values, traditions, practices, & beliefs of whites are universally held. Whiteness needs to be recognized as multifaceted. Analyzing whiteness will help get rid of it; after several texts have been written on the subject, even whites are beginning to recognize whiteness. A. Lee

A discourse analytical approach is used to discuss the contribution of news coverage to the "new racism" in Western Europe & North America. The majority has control over public discourse; thus, discourse plays a role in marginalizing minorities & the media has the power to perpetuate the new racism. This power is exercised in newsmaking, structuring news, the selection of topics & quotes, & using language that is implicitly racist. A detailed example of a newspaper text is given. A. Lee

Analyzes the complete transcript of an evening TV news program broadcast in Adelaide, South Australia, 7 Mar 1995, to explore how TV news frames social conflict. It is found that the news is built not according to a strategy of coherence, but in terms of rhythms related to types of news reports & placements of happy/unhappy, climax/release, & stress/contentment narrative. These rhythms & narratives carry the implicit assumption that stability & security exist only in the boundaries of the nation-state &, beyond this structure, simply ensure an audience's assimilation to dominant social structures & values, it is contended that the news is structured in a porous fashion to adapt to the constantly shifting social & private lives of viewers. It is on occasions when these private lives & typical news narratives converge that new cultural knowledge is gained & people's ideological frames are resituated. In the near future, the globalization of news is likely to put great pressure on this ideological system. 7 Tables. D. Ryfe

Investigates the change in popular perception of the issue of toxic waste brought on by political activism during the 1980s, though this change actually began with the intense media coverage of the Love Canal (NY) incident in 1978. Analysis of the incident's network coverage indicates that it was framed early on as a disaster for human health, particularly that of children, & this frame was accompanied by hazardous waste images, eg, contaminated patches of earth, piles of rusted industrial drums, disrupted homes, & common folk victimized & angry. Opinion polls are consulted to demonstrate that hazardous waste was formed as a new issue at this time. It is suggested that popular perception today is driven less by personal experience than by media spectatorship & media-led witnessing of others' experience. Decision-making theory is consulted as a possible explanation for this new attitude-formation process, but it is contended that this theory does not focus enough on the relation of images to issue creation. Notions of icon formation & display put forward by postmodern perspectives on mass attitude formation are described as more suitable, though the political implications of postmodern theory's approach to meaning are questioned. 1 Table, 1 Figure. D. M. Smith

Applying the research in this volume, this article explores the relationship between the post-Cold War media coverage of foreign affairs, the formation of public opinion, & its influence on the state. The author strives to create a general theory & to point out directions for future theory development & research. Research in this volume highlights the tensions between theoretical generalizations & the complexity, differentiation, & explanatory completeness of research. L. A. Hoffman

Examines how TV news narratives convey meaning to viewers & work to construct a mythology of the existing social order, drawing on data from an investigation of Swedish TV news. It is shown that, although TV news functions at one level to broadcast information, at another level it operates to construct a mythic portrayal of the social order. This mythology consists of recurrent symbolic displays of the state & other social institutions as a coherent totality, a constant monitoring of social conflict & controversy in a way that renders them safe for public consumption & an invitation to viewers to establish personal loyalty to the social order. This mythology insinuates itself into the public consciousness through its resonance with the everyday life of viewers. It is concluded that scholars are quite right to be critical of the ideological work performed by the TV news, but they ought also to recognize the utopian dimension of this mythic function. D. Ryfe