Suchergebnisse

Obálka -- OBSAH -- ÚVOD V MÉDIÍCH -- KAPITOLA PRVNÍ ŽIVOT V MÉDIÍCH -- Lapeni v síti bezprostřednosti -- Život ve městě médií -- Digitální a fyzické -- Antropotechnologie, člověkostroje, inforgové a posthumanita -- Protézoví bohové -- Božské bytosti v postmetafyzickém světě -- KAPITOLA DRUHÁ MÉDIA DNES -- Mediální archeologie artefaktů, činností a uspořádání -- Hluboké city v závratné rychlosti -- Charismatické technologie lásky -- Nepozorované vytrácení neviditelných médií -- KAPITOLA TŘETÍ CO MÉDIA DĚLAJÍ -- Vítejte v nezapomenutelnu -- Mimovolná média Martini

This article examines the relationship between media & the partisan ministerial staff of the Government Office. The main objective of the article is to make a contribution to the knowledge about & comprehension of how medialization has affected the work of the partisan ministerial staff. The article is empirically based on four focus groups, with respectively ministers, secretaries of state, political advisors & press secretaries working under the third Persson government (2002-2006). The article demonstrates that media management is an area that The Government Office was not originally adapted for. Therefore media & communication do not enter into the existing routines & formal decision-making processes of the organization. As a result, media challenge both the process behind the government's collective decision-making & the up-holding of the impression that the government decides collectively. Thus, there is a need for complementary routines for the contacts between the partisan staff & the civil servants. Adapted from the source document.

Political communication has been undergoing a profound transformation in recent years following the appearance and rapid spread of new media. The use of new media, such as social networking sites and other internet platforms, is increasingly being exploited by all types of political actors, but particularly by those involved in electoral campaigns. Attempting to explore the presence of these trends in the Czech Republic, this paper focuses on the Senate and Regional Council electoral campaigns that took place in October 2012 in the Czech Republic, with the primary aim of comparing the differences in new media usage between candidates. A comprehensive analysis was based on a dataset obtained by monitoring the use of various types of new media by candidates, namely traditional websites, blogs, and the online social networking sites Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube. The results show that younger candidates in regional elections engage in online campaigning more intensely than older candidates. The findings also demonstrate that Senate candidates use new media more extensively than candidates for the Regional Council. The most commonly used new media in both types of elections were traditional websites and the online social networking site Facebook. Regarding the candidates' political affiliations, the analyses came to the conclusion that the usage of new media was generally similar for all major parties with one exception. The candidates from the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia used new media very sporadically and, moreover, most of them used no new media platforms at all in either type of election campaign. Adapted from the source document.

Men in mass media; social aspects; Turkey

By affecting conceptualizations of crime, media depictions of crime play a crucial part in the way criminal policy is shaped. An analysis of Swedish newspaper articles suggest that crime today is depicted in a more exclusionary way than a few decades ago. This is particularly true for the culprit, whose actions are accounted for in an individualized way. Crime victims are described in a manner that invites identification. During the 1980s, media depictions change from structural accounts of the crime to individualized accounts of the culprit and the criminal deed, often in terms of the psychology of the culprit However, it is not until around 1990 that the media depiction of the crime victim change, with fairly neutral descriptions being replaced by more detailed and personal images. In contemporary media stories, crime and criminality are seen as external threats to society. The culprit is depicted as an intruder, and often also as disordered or irrational. The victim, on the other hand, is depicted as a human being just as you and I, with a particular personality. The consumer of these media stories is primarily encouraged to identify with the victim and those close to him or her. Adapted from the source document.

Obsah -- Úvod -- Náboženské motivy českém jazyce (Tereza Klabíková Rábová) -- Křesťanské svědectví v mediální společnosti: Teorie a praxe (Jiří Zajíc) -- Komunikace, instituce a důvěra - tři teze k tématu církev a média (Aleš Pištora) -- Majetkové vyrovnání, nebo vyrovnávání vztahu? (Václav Pláteník) -- Ryba smrdí od hlav, aneb proč komunikace české katolické církve kulhá na obě nohy a nikdo jí nepomůže… (Štěpán Kotrba) -- Využívanie sociálnych sietí v cirkevnom prostredí (Imrich Gazda) -- Komunikace papeže Františka (Anna Vošalíková) -- Vliv náboženství na daňovou morálku v České republice (Wadim Strielkowski, Inna Čábelková, Laurent Weill) -- Televize NOE: televize dobrých zpráv (Leoš Ryška) -- Vysílání veřejné služby nejen pro věřící (Irena Ryšánková) -- Jak nahlížím na současnou církevní komunikaci? (Tomáš Holub) -- Shrnutí -- Resume -- Seznam autorů -- Seznam literatury

The article explores the influence of the electoral polls on media coverage of political actors during election campaigns. Based on the presumptions of the structural media bias theory we investigate whether the polls can affect the way media report on particular political actors in the course of an electoral campaign. According to Zaller's media politics theory journalists are supposed to pay most attention to the candidate or political party leading in the polls. Also, the tone of media coverage of the leading candidate should be linked with his/her success in the race. This article adjusts the hypotheses of media politics to the condition of proportional party representation. The aim is to explore how media coverage of the non-parliamentary party Veci verejne related to its position in the polls and its anticipated importance for future development after the election. Adapted from the source document.

How political scientists appear in different media & how these appearances may result in distorted information is analyzed. Scientists may present their research, comment on ongoing political issues, or lift up particular issues to public debate. Adapted from the source document.

The professional communicators inside the Swedish Government Office are today 140 (compared to a single one 40 years ago & just twenty 15 years ago), giving support to the idea that the media now has a major impact on everyday business inside the Government. This article shows that this partly true, as the media mainly have an effect on the politicians, the partisan ministerial staff & the communicators. But the relationship between the Government Offices & the media could also be turned around. The Government have resources for external communication no lesser than an international news agency's, & does oil a daily basis deliver an impressive amount of press releases & conferences -- and information leaks -- that the media has to handle. This article examines & analyses how the Swedish Government Offices, through new posts, units & strategies, has institutionalized & centralized its' media contacts during the last 40 years, as well as the reasons & the internal consequences of this development. Adapted from the source document.

The purpose is to discuss the relationship between populism & journalism at three different levels: populism as an invective, populism as news criteria & populism as news ideology. Sometimes populism is used pejoratively by scholars in fine with its general use in the media as synonym of opportunism, demagogy & overzealous search for popularity. Sometimes populism in the media is mainly linked to the newsworthiness of charismatic political leaders & their rhetoric. Sometimes scholars see an ideological kinship between populism & the journalistic ideology manifesting itself in the so-called media logic. Mazzoleni calls this media populism. The main limitation of the media populism approach is its normative starting point. This also ignores the fact that both populism & media logic are part of different media-political systems with different characteristics depending on the political, economical, cultural & historical background. A historical-political approach to the relation between populism & journalism in different media systems, as defined by Hallin & Mancini seems to be more fruitful. Adapted from the source document.