Suchergebnisse

Obálka -- OBSAH -- ÚVOD V MÉDIÍCH -- KAPITOLA PRVNÍ ŽIVOT V MÉDIÍCH -- Lapeni v síti bezprostřednosti -- Život ve městě médií -- Digitální a fyzické -- Antropotechnologie, člověkostroje, inforgové a posthumanita -- Protézoví bohové -- Božské bytosti v postmetafyzickém světě -- KAPITOLA DRUHÁ MÉDIA DNES -- Mediální archeologie artefaktů, činností a uspořádání -- Hluboké city v závratné rychlosti -- Charismatické technologie lásky -- Nepozorované vytrácení neviditelných médií -- KAPITOLA TŘETÍ CO MÉDIA DĚLAJÍ -- Vítejte v nezapomenutelnu -- Mimovolná média Martini

Political communication has been undergoing a profound transformation in recent years following the appearance and rapid spread of new media. The use of new media, such as social networking sites and other internet platforms, is increasingly being exploited by all types of political actors, but particularly by those involved in electoral campaigns. Attempting to explore the presence of these trends in the Czech Republic, this paper focuses on the Senate and Regional Council electoral campaigns that took place in October 2012 in the Czech Republic, with the primary aim of comparing the differences in new media usage between candidates. A comprehensive analysis was based on a dataset obtained by monitoring the use of various types of new media by candidates, namely traditional websites, blogs, and the online social networking sites Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube. The results show that younger candidates in regional elections engage in online campaigning more intensely than older candidates. The findings also demonstrate that Senate candidates use new media more extensively than candidates for the Regional Council. The most commonly used new media in both types of elections were traditional websites and the online social networking site Facebook. Regarding the candidates' political affiliations, the analyses came to the conclusion that the usage of new media was generally similar for all major parties with one exception. The candidates from the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia used new media very sporadically and, moreover, most of them used no new media platforms at all in either type of election campaign. Adapted from the source document.

'Dialogical networks' are communications that occur in mass media. One of their characteristics is that contributions of individual actors - politicians, journalists, representatives of pressure groups, etc - are distributed in time & space. (A politician can, for instance, react in the media to what another politician expressed publicly elsewhere). Another central property of dialogical networks is that an individual's contribution to a network can be duplicated, or even multiplicated (eg, what is said in a TV studio may be reproduced in several newspapers). Working in a broadly ethnomethodological & conversation analytical framework, we focus on two aspects of sequential organization - adjacency pair structures & repair structures - with the aim to clarify the respects in which they differ in dialogical networks & in everyday conversations.

Obsah -- Úvod -- Náboženské motivy českém jazyce (Tereza Klabíková Rábová) -- Křesťanské svědectví v mediální společnosti: Teorie a praxe (Jiří Zajíc) -- Komunikace, instituce a důvěra - tři teze k tématu církev a média (Aleš Pištora) -- Majetkové vyrovnání, nebo vyrovnávání vztahu? (Václav Pláteník) -- Ryba smrdí od hlav, aneb proč komunikace české katolické církve kulhá na obě nohy a nikdo jí nepomůže… (Štěpán Kotrba) -- Využívanie sociálnych sietí v cirkevnom prostredí (Imrich Gazda) -- Komunikace papeže Františka (Anna Vošalíková) -- Vliv náboženství na daňovou morálku v České republice (Wadim Strielkowski, Inna Čábelková, Laurent Weill) -- Televize NOE: televize dobrých zpráv (Leoš Ryška) -- Vysílání veřejné služby nejen pro věřící (Irena Ryšánková) -- Jak nahlížím na současnou církevní komunikaci? (Tomáš Holub) -- Shrnutí -- Resume -- Seznam autorů -- Seznam literatury

The article explores the influence of the electoral polls on media coverage of political actors during election campaigns. Based on the presumptions of the structural media bias theory we investigate whether the polls can affect the way media report on particular political actors in the course of an electoral campaign. According to Zaller's media politics theory journalists are supposed to pay most attention to the candidate or political party leading in the polls. Also, the tone of media coverage of the leading candidate should be linked with his/her success in the race. This article adjusts the hypotheses of media politics to the condition of proportional party representation. The aim is to explore how media coverage of the non-parliamentary party Veci verejne related to its position in the polls and its anticipated importance for future development after the election. Adapted from the source document.

Jean Baudrillard's perspective on the negative impact of TV on social solidarities, particularly as exemplified by the events in the former Yugoslavia, is explored. TV allows a viewer to experience events distant in place & time as though they were happening in the here & now. Reliance on this TV-viewer contact to arouse the world counts too much on the privileged position of the social as a positive. Baudrillard also argues that TV has a negative side of "collapsing the normalizing, expanding, & positive cycle of the social into its opposite: an implosive & structural order of signs." It is concluded that the triumph of the signifying culture means the eclipse of genuine social solidarity. Adapted from the source document.

The article proceeds from the concept of the actorness of the EU, especially from its attractivity dimension, and also from comparisons of the EU and the Latin-American integration blocs on both the political and the academic level. It examines whether the Latin American media consider the EU as a model for Latin American integration. On the basis of an analysis of various articles published in two newspapers, the Argentinean La Nacion and the Colombian El Tiempo, two basic issues were examined: 1) whether these daily newspapers perceive the EU as a source of inspiration for their own countries' integration, and 2) whether and how the discourse differs in the two countries and whether it is possible to deduce general conclusions from the similarities and/or differences in the discourses. In conclusion, we deduce that some inspiration by the EU in the media perspective exists but that it is only limited to a few concrete areas. Adapted from the source document.

With reference to ideas presented in the theory of media malaise, the article aims to assess the role of negative campaigning in Czech elections and to analyse how it is perceived by voters, how it correlates with electoral preferences, and other important variables. The analysis is based on data from the Czech Election Survey 2010. The author draws from the causal relationship formulated in the above mentioned theory, according to which the effect of the news media and their emphasis on negative news and negativity contribute to growing political cynicism among citizens. Negative and conflicting media news, which are even more intense during election campaigns, activate the spiral of public cynicism and cause public trust in political actors to fall, as well as alignment and voter turnout (Cappella and Jamieson 1997). The author attempts to test the hypothesis: The more people watch the media and the more they are exposed to election campaign coverage, the greater is their political cynicism. Adapted from the source document.

Americans were neither victims nor perpetrators of the Holocaust. Why, then, does this horrific event occupy such a prominent place in their public life & political discourse? With the help of the works by American Jewish historians Norman Finkelstein & Peter Novick, this review article offers a tentative solution to this puzzle. Finkeistein stresses that the Holocaust has been used by the American Jewish elites & organizations for their financial, political & symbolic benefits. Novick does not deny the role of elites & of their instrumental motives but claims that sincere & profitless activities of innumerable "private" Jews & of their informal networks have played no lesser role. According to Novick, four factors contributed to the elevating of the Holocaust to the public pedestal: (1) the transformation of the general atmosphere in theAmerican society from the "integrationism" of the 1950s & 1960s to the "differentialism" of the 1970s & 1980s, (2) the ensuing competition of ethnic & racial groups for the status of the most historically aggrieved minority which motivated Jews to use the Holocaust as a trump against the claims of other groups, (3) the crisis of Jewish identity (brought about by waning religious practices) which made it possible for the Holocaust to function as an Ersatzidentity for Judaism, &, finally, (4) the overrepresentation of the Jews in the media, cultural institutions & entertainment industry which confers upon them a privileged role in the creation & reproduction of hegemonic discourses & images of the larger society. In addition, the reference to the Holocaust has proved useful in justifying tough policies of Israeli governments vis-a-vis the Palestinians & in gaining support for those policies with the American public & government. 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

On the basis of the analysis of news content from 2008 to 2012, we describe in this article the tendencies of Czech media in dealing with foreign policy topics, using a combination of quantitative content analysis and qualitative case studies of selected foreign policy events. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses demonstrate that the coverage of political events in the media is highly personalised and viewed through the prism of the personal or political interests of Czech political elites and the conflicts between them. As concerns the diversity of the actors presented and topics covered, the Czech media produce a considerably restricted and more or less uniform stream of news commented upon by a relatively limited spectrum of actors, mainly Czech politicians. For non-political, non-governmental, and international actors, access to the debate is considerably limited. The print media tends to present major political events as power-based conflicts between individuals or groups, rather than as negotiations about public affairs supported by substantive arguments. In effect, Habermas's classical vision of the role of mass media in democracy, which is to promote rational discussion as a desirable form of public debate, is replaced with persuasion through emotional appeal, which has been widely criticised. At the same time, however, some theoretical traditions see it more positively as a less restrictive form of public discourse. ; On the basis of the analysis of news content from 2008 to 2012, we describe in this article the tendencies of Czech media in dealing with foreign policy topics, using a combination of quantitative content analysis and qualitative case studies of selected foreign policy events. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses demonstrate that the coverage of political events in the media is highly personalised and viewed through the prism of the personal or political interests of Czech political elites and the conflicts between them. As concerns the diversity of the actors presented and ...

This article explores the question of whether the increasing importance of religion in international relations is also reflected in the role the Roman Catholic Church plays in the formulation of Czech foreign policy. In the first half of the study we will briefly investigate in what ways the role of the Church is described in the key documents of Czech (foreign) policy and how the Church-politics relationship is interpreted in the Czech media discourse. Our attention will be dedicated primarily to the thematic analysis and the actorness of the Church. In the article's second half, we will focus on the way(s) the Church is trying to change the situation of its relation to Czech politics, which is currently unfavourable to it. We will identify three fundamental strategies that can be used by the Church as a reaction to its expulsion from the public sphere and also assess their empirical presence in the Czech milieu. Adapted from the source document.