Suchergebnisse

La définition des œuvres littéraires et des objets culturels, leurs formes et leurs modes de compréhension varient à l'intérieur de grandes configurations techniques et sociales elles-mêmes changeantes. Le champ de ces « médiamorphoses » réciproques recouvre, du XIXe au XXIe siècle, des genres et des domaines divers : de la poésie lettrée au roman-feuilleton, de la littérature à la publicité, des premières théories des mass-médias à nos modernes doxas politiques et intellectuelles. Lamartine, Dumas, Mallarmé ou Zola sont relus sous un angle permettant aussi de lire autrement Gabriel Tarde, Gramsci, Walter Benjamin ou McLuhan.

This thesis seeks to analyse the historical interpretations produced by societies in order to interpret and understand their past events, thus being capable of creating and rebuilding their collective imagination and their identity. In this sense, this study will particularly focus on the meanings that "collective imagination(s)" give to recent historical events and battles that are emerging from the social conflict to control "historicity" and "memory".It will start from the study of a political process of the Spanish transition. This event, controversial in the Spanish society, is subject to constant review both by historiography and literature, but most particularly by the media. Therefore, the analysis of the social and media representations of the Spanish transition proves to be, from our perspective very interesting, because they are historical productions with a strong influence on the construction of the Spanish "social memory".This research is therefore part of the disciplinary field of "history of present time" and is interested in the "memory" and "the public uses of history", including the historical representations that contribute to the creation of the "social memory". Within this context, our study will address the construction of this social memory by starting to analyse the role played by mass media as instruments of transmission of "memory" and historicity. Therefore, this research will dedicate a particular attention to the historical storytelling that forms what some authors have called "media historiography" and that has been an important contribution to the social construction of the interpretation of the past and then the present time.In order to do so, we propose to examine the official storytelling that arises from public institutions and that has been conveyed by the media through different generic forms: informative productions, reports and documentary shows. Later, we will undertake the analysis of historical productions, as well as the contributions of historiography, in the ...

This thesis seeks to analyse the historical interpretations produced by societies in order to interpret and understand their past events, thus being capable of creating and rebuilding their collective imagination and their identity. In this sense, this study will particularly focus on the meanings that "collective imagination(s)" give to recent historical events and battles that are emerging from the social conflict to control "historicity" and "memory".It will start from the study of a political process of the Spanish transition. This event, controversial in the Spanish society, is subject to constant review both by historiography and literature, but most particularly by the media. Therefore, the analysis of the social and media representations of the Spanish transition proves to be, from our perspective very interesting, because they are historical productions with a strong influence on the construction of the Spanish "social memory".This research is therefore part of the disciplinary field of "history of present time" and is interested in the "memory" and "the public uses of history", including the historical representations that contribute to the creation of the "social memory". Within this context, our study will address the construction of this social memory by starting to analyse the role played by mass media as instruments of transmission of "memory" and historicity. Therefore, this research will dedicate a particular attention to the historical storytelling that forms what some authors have called "media historiography" and that has been an important contribution to the social construction of the interpretation of the past and then the present time.In order to do so, we propose to examine the official storytelling that arises from public institutions and that has been conveyed by the media through different generic forms: informative productions, reports and documentary shows. Later, we will undertake the analysis of historical productions, as well as the contributions of historiography, in the understanding of this determinant event. Finally, with deep attention, we will tackle the study of audiovisual productions that are fictional and have historical material. Hence, by starting from the analysis of representations produced by this historical event, and the study of politico-cultural connections established between the present and the past told by these historical productions, our work seeks to understand the function of these in the construction of the "social memory". This work also tries to understand the role played by audiovisual storytelling, or historical fictions, as connectors to memory and tools that created the history of Spanish society.We hope then to be able to verify the existence of a "media historiography" that contributes in a decisive manner to the construction of the "social memory". In this sense, concerning the Spanish Transition, we aspire to answer the questions that the control of this "media historiography" imposes. We will do so first through the hegemony of the official storytelling, then by overtaking the State's imposed frame and the resulting development of a conflict for the "memory" and control of "historicity". ; Cette thèse cherche à analyser des représentations historiques produites par les sociétés afin d'interpréter et comprendre leurs événements passés et ainsi pouvoir construire et recomposer leur imaginaire collectif et leur identité. Dans ce sens, ce travail consacrera une attention toute particulière aux significations que la ou les « mémoire(s) collective(s) » donnent aux événements historiques récents et aux luttes qui se développent autour de ce conflit social pour le contrôle de « l'historicité » et de la « mémoire ».Elle partira de l'étude du processus politique de la Transition espagnole. Cet événement, de nature polémique au sein de la société espagnole, est soumis à une révision constante aussi bien par l'historiographie que par la littérature, mais surtout par les médias. De ce fait, l'analyse des représentations sociales et médiatiques de la Transition s'avère de notre point de vue très intéressant, car elles sont des productions historiques avec une forte influence dans la construction de la « mémoire social » espagnole.Ce travail de recherche s'insère donc dans le champ disciplinaire de « l'histoire du temps présent » et s'intéresse à la « mémoire » et aux « usages publics de l'histoire », notamment aux représentations historiques qui contribuent à la formation de la « mémoire sociale ». Dans ce cadre, notre étude abordera la construction de cette « mémoire sociale » en partant de l'analyse du rôle joué par les mass média en tant qu'instruments de transmission de « mémoire » et d'historisation. Par conséquent, cette recherche consacrera une attention toute particulière aux récits historiques qui forment ce que certains auteurs ont appelé « l'historiographie médiatique » et qui a une si importante contribution dans la construction social de l'interprétation du passé depuis le présent.Pour ce faire, nous nous proposons d'examiner tout d'abord le récit officiel surgit des institutions publiques et véhiculé grâce aux médias par le biais de différentes formes génériques : des productions informatives, des reportages et des émissions documentaires. Ensuite, nous entreprendrons d'analyser les productions historiques ainsi que les apports de l'historiographie à la compréhension de cet événement déterminant et, finalement, avec une attention toute particulière, nous nous attèlerons à étudier les productions audiovisuelles fictionnelles à caractère historique. Ainsi donc, en partant de l'analyse des représentations produites autour de cet événement historique et de l'étude des connexions politico-culturelles qui s'établissent entre le présent et le passé raconté par ces productions historiques, notre travail cherche à comprendre la fonction de celles-ci dans la construction de la « mémoire sociale », ainsi que le rôle tenu par les narrations audiovisuelles ou fictions historiques en tant que véhicules de mémoire et outils d'historisation de la société espagnole.Nous espérons ainsi pouvoir vérifier l'existence d'une « historiographie médiatique » qui contribue de façon décisive à la construction de la « mémoire sociale ». De la même façon, en ce qui concerne la Transition espagnole, nous aspirons à répondre aux questionnements que le contrôle de cette « historiographie médiatique » impose. Dans un premier temps, par le biais de l'hégémonie du récit officiel et, dans un second temps, à partir du dépassement du cadre imposé par l'État et le développement conséquent d'un conflit pour la « mémoire » et pour le contrôle de « l'historicité ».

The design of this research is based on the liberal pluralism belief that there should be various forms of alternative media co-existing with mainstream media, and the society benefits from having alternatives. The concept of alternative media refers to media that are independent from the political and market power. They deal with alternative topics, which are not covered in their mainstream counterparts. One of the traditions of alternative media research is to examine their potential in the formation of subaltern public sphere. ; The core question of this research is to explore the usage of online alternative media, and the link between online alternative media and the ideal of subaltern public sphere, in terms of attitude towards difference, rational discussion and civic participation. Participatory observation, online survey and case studies were applied to find out the answers. ; First of all, it is found that the usage of online alternative media is influenced by a number of factors. In addition to the gratifications sought from media usage, a heterogeneous online community is more likely to accept online alternative media, while intense use of alternative media in turn contributes to more tolerance of difference in society. ; Secondly, this research examines the relationships between online alternative media and the elements of subaltern public sphere. As the research findings suggest, under high political and economic pressure, little space is left for mainstream public sphere, while subaltern public sphere is possible with the help of online alternative media. Non-hierarchically organized and depend on voluntary work, online alternative media partly escape from political and market pressure and become the birthplace of rational public opinions. Online alternative media contribute to democratic society as they generate public space for deliberation, and cultivate the culture of participation. ; Finally, the significance of heterogeneity is emphasized. Online alternative media develop a group of media ...

本文從技術的政治經濟學視角,觀察中國上世紀七十年代末八十年代的廣播電視大學運動,主要采用文獻分析的方法,試圖去回答,爲什麽電大教育會從單位辦學制、個人自學制、學校辦學制這三種模式存走向單一的學校辦學體制?在電大運動所歸屬的更大的高教去國家化運動當中,爲什麽社會自治主義、新自由主義與電大教育接合失敗,而國家主義却成功了?爲了回答這些或具體或抽象的問題,本文在前人研究的基礎上提出了「新發展主義」的概念作爲分析工具,指出「效率範式」是七十年代末八十年代新發展主義的主要再現形式,它有追求「生産效率優先」和「成本效率」的兩個方面。在「發展主義範式轉移」的語境下,電大運動是國家以「技術動員」的方式徵用社會經濟資本實現人力資本積累的表現。通過使用新發展主義的「集中性-去集中性」這一對框架性工具,本文指出了社會自治主義表現爲「兩種效率衝突」以及「教育低效」的「反效率」,以及新自由主義表現爲「配置低效」的「反效率」,而與之相比,國家主義反倒因爲教育專業主義和機會平等政治的追求,而與新發展主義的效率追求形成了一致性。新發展主義與社會自治主義、新自由主義和國家主義在這一時期的「接合」與「接合失敗」,是單位辦學制與個人自學制的衰落,以及「公立非公費」的「學校辦學制」日漸崛起的原因。此外,本文從「新發展主義」出發,還提出了「改革辯證法」的認識論,作爲從「改革之交」理解共産中國的一種嘗試。 ; From the perspective of political economy of technology, this research aims to analyze the Chinese Broadcasting and Television University Movement(TVUM) , and to answer two sets of questions: 1) During the TVUM in late 1970s and 1980s, why did the "university-organized learning" model rise? Why did the "danwei-organized learning" model and the "self-learning" model decline simultaneously? 2) Why was the TVUM articulated with Statism successfully? Why did the articulation of the TVUM with Social Autonomism and Neo-liberalism fail ? Documentary analysis is the main research method. In order to answer the questions above, this research constructs the efficiency-oriented model to illustrate and explain Chinese economic development in late 1979s and 1980s. In the context of the paradigm shift of developmentalism, the TVUM took it as the main purpose to promote the accumulation of human capital. In contrast with the "anti-efficiency" of Social Autonomism and Neo-liberalism, this research identifies that Statism unexpectedly presents its consistency with the effenciency-oriented model by combining the professionalism of education and equal-opportunity politics. The rise and the declination in the TVUM are attributed to the success and the failure of articulation with the efficenecy-oriented model respectively. Moreover, this research preliminarily constructs "the dialectics of the reform" as the perspective of interpreting Communist ...

胡錦濤在二○一一年訪問美國是極其重要的中美外交事件,作為世界上兩個最大的經濟體,尤其在國際社會的共同命運和國家和國際經濟動盪的時刻,中美關係發揮顯著作用。 ; 本論文特別側重說明美國政府和新聞媒介如何建構胡錦濤訪問美國,並塑造為一個慶祝國際政治媒介事件,說明政府在建構新聞語霸權,且取得美國新聞媒體的合作。它最終引發了媒體社會學的問題,媒體民主問題和人文與經濟價值之間的鬥爭。 ; 這兩個國家之間日益增長的戰略和務實的關係,是突顯社會的政治背景,導致胡錦濤訪問美國作為一個媒介事件,形成一個變贏的和平競賽,以及慶祝和友好熱惰的表現。 ; 胡錦濤訪問美國以及美國電視新聞作為本研究的主要焦點,說明媒體往往採取在媒介事件中互相尊重,雙羸 ,和平和樂觀的態度。美國的電視新聞媒體會在臨鍵的時刻偏向政府。 ; Hu Jin Tao's U.S. visit in 2011 is an extremely important diplomatic event in U.S.-China relations in the past thirty years or so, which calls for bilateral and international attention, as the relations between the world's two biggest economies play a significant role in the common fate of the global community, at a time of national and international economic turmoil. ; This thesis specifically focusing on explicating the journalistic construction of Hu's U.S. visit as a historical and celebrative international political media event, a news discourse constructed out of hegemonic governmental influences and the cooperation of U.S. news media. It eventually raised media sociological questions upon the professionalism of U.S. news media in relations to U.S. foreign policy, media democracy and humanistic question over the struggle between economic pragmatism and individual freedom, especially in international integration. ; The growing strategic and pragmatic relationship between the two nations is the foregrounding social-political context that leads to the journalistic framing of the visit as a media event, a win-win peaceful contest, and an celebrative and friendly welcoming performance. And that the American TV news media tend to pay more reverence towards the government during critical historic political moment, in this case the U.S. visit by Hu. The U.S news media, with TV news as the main focus in this study, tend to adopt the ritualistic media event script in framing the visit in an respectful, peaceful and optimistic manner. There is a discursive news storyline of Hu's state visit as a win-win media event starts from the tension between the two states and then a ...

Chiu Yuen Ming Vivian. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 82-87). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1 - --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Overview --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Significance --- p.7 ; Chapter Chapter 2 - --- Literature review --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Definition of nation --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.2 --- History of Chinese nationalism --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.3 --- From state nationalism to popular nationalism --- p.16 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Three levels of Chinese nationalism --- p.17 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Media and nationalism --- p.17 ; Chapter 2.5.1 --- Media in China- newspapers --- p.20 ; Chapter Chapter 3 - --- Framing --- p.22 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Overview --- p.22 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Four different frames --- p.24 ; Chapter 3.2.1 --- National self respect --- p.27 ; Chapter 3.2.2 --- National self strengthening --- p.28 ; Chapter 3.2.3 --- Co-operation with Japan --- p.30 ; Chapter 3.2.4 --- National humiliation --- p.31 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Framing Sino-Japanese relationship --- p.33 ; Chapter Chapter 4 - --- Methodology --- p.35 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Theoretical concern --- p.35 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Case study --- p.35 ; Chapter 4.2.1 --- First case study: the Mukden incident --- p.36 ; Chapter 4.2.2 --- Second case study: Junichiro Koizumi's visit to Yasukuni Shrine --- p.37 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Media text --- p.39 ; Chapter 4.3.1 --- People's Daily --- p.40 ; Chapter 4.3.2 --- Global Times --- p.42 ; Chapter 4.3.4 --- Southern Metropolis News --- p.45 ; Chapter 4.4 --- Data and sampling --- p.47 ; Chapter 4.5 --- Content analysis --- p.49 ; Chapter 4.6 --- Hypothesis --- p.50 ; Chapter 4.7 --- Coding categories and schemes --- p.54 ; Chapter 4.8 --- Coding training --- p.55 ; Chapter Chapter 5 - --- Results --- p.57 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Overview --- p.57 ; Chapter 5.2 --- Quantitative results --- p.59 ; Chapter Chapter 6 - --- Discussion --- p.67 ; Chapter 6.1 --- Analysis --- p.67 ; Chapter 6.1.1 --- National self respect --- p.68 ...

Cet article veut mettre en évidence comment le manque de communication (incommunicabilité) entre les pays européens sur toute une série de problématiques – en premier lieu celle relative aux migrants – ne détermine pas seulement les agendas politiques de ces différents pays (dépendants de la proximité géographique au problème) mais fonde aussi dans l'opinion publique des stéréotypes orientant notre relation à l'autre. ; In this article, we show how a communication deficit (uncommunicability) between European countries on a whole series of issues – and primarily the migrant question – not only determines political agendas in these different countries (which vary depending on their geographical closeness to the problem), but also builds stereotypes in public opinion that influence people's attitudes to others.

In her dissertation, Children, Parents, Media and Risk Society: Are Content Ratings Making Media Regulation Possible?, Sophie Jehel examines the role of television and videogame ratings, involved in the content regulation system. In the first section, the author shows how in the family and social environment, debates involving childhood protection are regularly avoided for fear of provoking the issue of "censorship"; this idea completely misses the point of the current legal and economic states of the mass media. Today, television and radio, like "new media" such as internet and social networking applications, are a key element of the "Risk Society." (U. Beck). Similar to other industries, the media grow using the « social production of risk » in many ways, like broadcasting violent or shocking content. Therefore the media needs to regulate content to protect children. In theory, the co-regulation system advocated by the European Union, which involves citizen and user control, is meant to counterbalance the auto-regulation system of the rating process. In the second section, the author, drawing from a survey which examined 1142 children in their final year of elementary school (5th grade in France), or in their first year of junior high school (6th grade in France), and 781 of their parents, analyzes the utilization of content ratings. Today, the risks produced by the media are everywhere in the media environment, and affect people of every social background, but boys and particularly children from working class backgrounds–especially the ones who study in schools ZEP (Priority Education Zone)– are more exposed to situations of "risk". In general, parents and children widely consider the rating system good, but at this point, because of a lack of understanding, they cannot effectively counterbalance the influence of media. Therefore, successful co-regulation remains a long shot. ; Dans sa thèse, Enfants, parents, médias et société du risque. Les classifications de contenu permettent-elles une régulation des ...

In her dissertation, Children, Parents, Media and Risk Society: Are Content Ratings Making Media Regulation Possible?, Sophie Jehel examines the role of television and videogame ratings, involved in the content regulation system. In the first section, the author shows how in the family and social environment, debates involving childhood protection are regularly avoided for fear of provoking the issue of "censorship"; this idea completely misses the point of the current legal and economic states of the mass media. Today, television and radio, like "new media" such as internet and social networking applications, are a key element of the "Risk Society." (U. Beck). Similar to other industries, the media grow using the « social production of risk » in many ways, like broadcasting violent or shocking content. Therefore the media needs to regulate content to protect children. In theory, the co-regulation system advocated by the European Union, which involves citizen and user control, is meant to counterbalance the auto-regulation system of the rating process. In the second section, the author, drawing from a survey which examined 1142 children in their final year of elementary school (5th grade in France), or in their first year of junior high school (6th grade in France), and 781 of their parents, analyzes the utilization of content ratings. Today, the risks produced by the media are everywhere in the media environment, and affect people of every social background, but boys and particularly children from working class backgrounds–especially the ones who study in schools ZEP (Priority Education Zone)– are more exposed to situations of "risk". In general, parents and children widely consider the rating system good, but at this point, because of a lack of understanding, they cannot effectively counterbalance the influence of media. Therefore, successful co-regulation remains a long shot. ; Dans sa thèse, Enfants, parents, médias et société du risque. Les classifications de contenu permettent-elles une régulation des ...

現有的媒體-抗爭互動機制研究,其結論多是主流媒體傾向非法化、瑣碎化社會運動。但針對威權語境中的媒體-抗爭互動現象,這一論點不再適用。本研究通過2009年廣州番禺反建垃圾焚燒廠事件,探究地方媒體與草根環境運動在與政府協商公共議題時,形成何種互動機制。本文以公共性概念為理論起點,以參與式公共性與可視性公共性這兩種模式作為分析工具,來理解媒體與運動的實踐及其互動。 ; 本研究使用多種方法考察事件發展過程,同時試圖建構出媒體-運動的互動機制。主要研究材料包括媒體文本、新聞從業者與抗爭居民的口頭和書面陳述。本文用內容分析方法考察媒體如何再現抗爭居民與當地政府的話語鬥爭,以及新聞框架如何發展演變。研究者與20位新聞從業者與抗爭居民進行深度訪談,以瞭解其行動的目的、策略與束縛,並探索雙方如何理解與評價自身、對方與社會語境。 ; 本文的主要貢獻,是通過考察威權語境中的媒體-運動的互動實踐現象來豐富原有的公共性概念。研究發現雙方形成了深度互動、平等、共存的關係。首先,媒體的報道使與抗爭相關的公共論述得以生成、發展、充實。多角度的媒體報道涵蓋了環保與民主參與等話題,由此挑戰了官方對抗爭的打壓式論述。其次,在運動的架構過程中,抗爭居民創造出媒介互動策略,具體表現為抗爭者認識到傳統媒體記者所受的束縛,並與其合作突破這種束縛。他們同時也使用新媒體平台直接動員公眾展開集體行動。最後,新聞從業者發展出抗爭新聞劇目的生產機制,使得抗爭事件停留於報端,令抗爭者成為公共論述的參與者。新聞從業者在追求職業認同與獨立時還借用抗爭的概念,將其用作由下至上新聞改革的資源。 ; 以上發現表明,媒體與社會運動作為社會行動者,其互動機制中體現出一種具有建構性與矛盾性的公共性。通過這一媒介化的抗爭事件,雙方發展出針對官方論述的話語抗爭,使得原本屬於越軌範疇的抗爭話語得以進入可公開爭議的合法範疇,由此得以重新界定公開話語空間中的意識形態邊界。 ; Existing studies of media-movement interaction have argued that mainstream media tends to illegitimize and trivialize social movements. However, when applied to the newly emerged media-movement interactions in the context of an authoritarian regime, such argument becomes untenable. This study takes an anti-incinerator event taken place in Panyu, Guangzhou in 2009 as its foci of investigation. It examines how local media and the grassroots environmental movement cooperatively negotiated public issues with the government. The concept of publicity and two models of publicity (participatory publicity and visibility publicity) will be introduced. These two models will be used as analytical tools to understand the practice of and the interaction between the media and the movement. ; Methodologically, this study adopts multiple methods to trace the process of the event and model the media-movement interaction mechanism. This research constructs the case by analyzing the media texts, together with both oral and written accounts of the journalists and the activists. Content analysis is employed to measure how the media represent the discursive struggles between local residents and local government, as well as how the media ...

過去50年,香港媒體有關藥物成癮的主要概念主要來自對海洛因(俗稱「白粉」)吸毒者的想像。「吸毒者」通常被視為「對工作和家庭不負責任」,並且被描繪成「以犯罪獲得金錢購買毒品來紓緩嚴重的斷癮症狀。」然而,近年來,大部份青少年吸毒者吸食軟性毒品如氯胺酮和搖頭丸,而非海洛因。對青少年吸毒者而言,在道德和醫學概念上的「吸毒」定義並不符合他們的毒品經驗,原因是他們在使用藥物後並無嚴重的斷癮症狀。這種傳統毒品觀念與青少年吸毒者經驗之間的「矛盾」對戒毒和預防教育產生很大障礙。 ; 本研究旨在找出現有主流媒體、戒毒機構及青少年吸毒者對「吸毒」的詮釋。本研究首先對禁毒政策進行歷史分析,以找出禁毒政策和現有的道德和醫學毒品論述之間的關係。另外,本研究對1978年至2008年的100個禁毒廣告及由1979年至2009年的26部禁毒電視新聞紀錄片進行文本及論述分析,以整合過去30年來本地媒體所運用的毒品論述。再者,本研究在一所福音戒毒中心(基督教得生團契)及一間社區戒毒輔導中心(香港路德會青欣中心)分別進行14個月及10個月民族誌考察,以檢視社工及青少年吸毒者如何運用主流媒體流行的毒品論述。 ; 本研究發現主流媒體經常使用一種包含道德及醫學論述的「過來人」敘事法(go through narrative)。這種敘事法主要以吸毒「過來人」作為關鍵主體,去描述吸毒者最「真實」的「浪子回頭」故事,並且組成了主流的「浪子回頭」論述(Prodigal Son Returns Home Discourse),為吸毒者建立了一個「浪子」身份。另外,本研究亦發現媒體中常見的「過來人」敘事法亦常被社工及戒毒過來人應用,並將吸毒定性為生活方式問題。青少年吸毒者對主流論述的「浪子」身份表現出不同程度的適應,但這種敘述自我身份的靈活性仍被局限於「過來人」敘事法及其容許的論述原素(discursive components)當中。 ; 在理論層面上,本研究歸納出形成社會異類身份的主流論述所涉及的社會、組織、及互動層面的因素。而且,本研究亦歸納出在主流論述控制下,社會異類者體現自我身份自主性的策略,包括:「漠不關心」(Indifference)、「完整接受」(Adoption)、「自我適應」(Adaptation)及「自我肯定」(Affirmation)。透過靈活表述社會異類行為的性質,他們肯定個人身份及對抗主流論述。然而這種敘述自我身份的靈活性仍被局限於主流論述原素當中。 ; For over 50 years, the major conception of drug addiction in Hong Kong media comes from the imaginations of heroin addiction. Drug addicts are usually presented as irresponsible for job and family, and they commit crimes to get money to buy drugs in order to relieve serious withdrawal symptoms. However, in recent years, most youth addicts use 'recreational drugs' like ketamine and ecstasy rather than heroin. The moral and disease conceptions of drug addiction are not applicable in their drug-taking experiences because many youth psychotropic drug addicts find no severe withdrawal and tolerance symptom. The 'gap' between the conventional drug discourses and the experience of youth drug users produces dissonance among addicts, drug rehabilitation and preventive education. ; This study aims at figure out the existing meanings of drug addiction in the mass media and drug rehabilitation. Firstly, a historical analysis on the government anti-drug policy was conducted to figure out the relationship between ...

Avec l'introduction de technologies analogiques et (plus tard) numériques, de nombreux pays d'Afrique subsaharienne ont vu l'émergence et la croissance rapide d'industries audiovisuelles commerciales produisant des fi lms en format vidéo. L'industrie nigériane, Nollywood, est le cas d'étude qui a suscité le plus d'intérêt, contribuant à la formulation d'un modèle analytique qui a infl uencé notre compréhension d'autres exemples de production en cours sur le continent. Cet article propose une analyse comparative de l'histoire de la production vidéo dans trois pays d'Afrique subsaharienne (Nigéria, Ethiopie et Côte d'Ivoire), afi n de complexifi er notre approche de la production vidéo africaine au-delà du modèle de Nollywood. À partir des documents recueillis lors de recherches de terrain ethnographiques menées dans chacun de ces pays, il offre une contribution originale au débat actuel sur l'impact des technologies analogiques et numériques sur la transformation du cinéma africain, en mettant en évidence le rôle des contextes politique, économique et infrastructurel locaux sur le développement des industries vidéo en Afrique subsaharienne. ; Peer reviewed

In her dissertation, Children, Parents, Media and Risk Society: Are Content Ratings Making Media Regulation Possible?, Sophie Jehel examines the role of television and videogame ratings, involved in the content regulation system. In the first section, the author shows how in the family and social environment, debates involving childhood protection are regularly avoided for fear of provoking the issue of "censorship"; this idea completely misses the point of the current legal and economic states of the mass media. Today, television and radio, like "new media" such as internet and social networking applications, are a key element of the "Risk Society." (U. Beck). Similar to other industries, the media grow using the « social production of risk » in many ways, like broadcasting violent or shocking content. Therefore the media needs to regulate content to protect children. In theory, the co-regulation system advocated by the European Union, which involves citizen and user control, is meant to counterbalance the auto-regulation system of the rating process. In the second section, the author, drawing from a survey which examined 1142 children in their final year of elementary school (5th grade in France), or in their first year of junior high school (6th grade in France), and 781 of their parents, analyzes the utilization of content ratings. Today, the risks produced by the media are everywhere in the media environment, and affect people of every social background, but boys and particularly children from working class backgrounds–especially the ones who study in schools ZEP (Priority Education Zone)– are more exposed to situations of "risk". In general, parents and children widely consider the rating system good, but at this point, because of a lack of understanding, they cannot effectively counterbalance the influence of media. Therefore, successful co-regulation remains a long shot. ; Dans sa thèse, Enfants, parents, médias et société du risque. Les classifications de contenu permettent-elles une régulation des médias ? Sophie Jehel pose la question de la place des signalétiques (TV, jeu vidéo) dans le cadre de la régulation des contenus tant familiale que sociale. Dans une première partie, l'auteur montre comment les débats sur la protection de l'enfance sont régulièrement enterrés en France par crainte de faire ressurgir la « censure », en décalage complet avec la situation juridique et économique des médias de masse. Les médias audiovisuels comme les nouveaux médias sont aujourd'hui au cœur de la « société du risque » (U. Beck). Comme les autres industries, ils développent leur croissance sur la « production sociale de risque » de multiples façons, la diffusion de contenus violents ou crus fait partie de cette économie. Les médias sont donc tenus de fournir aussi des outils de protection pour les enfants. Le système de corégulation prôné par l'Union Européenne doit en principe contrebalancer le développement de l'autorégulation des procédures de classification par un contrôle des citoyens utilisateurs. Dans une seconde partie, l'auteure s'appuyant sur une enquête auprès de 1142 enfants de CM2 et de sixième et 781 de leurs parents analyse les usages des classifications de contenu. Si les risques médiatiques sont aujourd'hui très dispersés tant dans l'environnement médiatique que dans les différents espaces sociaux, les garçons et les enfants des milieux populaires, particulièrement ceux fréquentant des établissements ZEP, sont confrontés à des situations de risque renforcé. Si les parents et les enfants adhèrent massivement aux systèmes de classification, ils ne peuvent pour le moment jouer de rôle de contrepouvoir car ils en comprennent mal les procédures. La corégulation reste aujourd'hui un horizon lointain.

This doctoral thesis examines mediations in the exchange of knowledge regarding media education from the perspective of information and communication sciences. Media pedagogy has existed since the beginning of the century and the emergence of mass media. First developed by activist educators, they were progressively introduced to the school system in France and Germany, before being accepted as an official field in the 1980s. The legitimacy of media education grew until its inclusion in the curricula at the beginning of the 2000s, when digital media use became more and more widespread. What are the values and knowledge to be transmitted in this context? What are the educational and political implications and prominent issues of media education? This study deals with the formal education system. After exploring the process of institutionalization of media education in both countries, we deploy a critical comparative analysis of official documents (legal documents, school curricula and brochures produced by media education centres) in order to identify their epistemological and pedagogical framings and definitions. Thus we explore the key concepts of literacy, digital culture (culture numérique) and media competence (Medienkompetenz) and question the perimeter of media education and digital skills. Interviews with members of the education and training sector and with teenagers in school contexts finally enable us to identify how knowledge about media is transmitted, as well as the educational and political implications of this process. ; Cette thèse étudie les enjeux communicationnels de la médiation des savoirs en éducation aux médias (EAM) dans une perspective franco-allemande. D'abord le fait de pédagogues militants, les pratiques pédagogiques liées aux médias sont peu à peu intégrées à l'institution scolaire dans le contexte français comme allemand, puis reconnues comme un domaine officiel dans les années 1980. Celui-ci gagne progressivement en légitimité jusqu'à être inclus dans les programmes au début des ...