La définition des œuvres littéraires et des objets culturels, leurs formes et leurs modes de compréhension varient à l'intérieur de grandes configurations techniques et sociales elles-mêmes changeantes. Le champ de ces « médiamorphoses » réciproques recouvre, du XIXe au XXIe siècle, des genres et des domaines divers : de la poésie lettrée au roman-feuilleton, de la littérature à la publicité, des premières théories des mass-médias à nos modernes doxas politiques et intellectuelles. Lamartine, Dumas, Mallarmé ou Zola sont relus sous un angle permettant aussi de lire autrement Gabriel Tarde, Gramsci, Walter Benjamin ou McLuhan.
This thesis seeks to analyse the historical interpretations produced by societies in order to interpret and understand their past events, thus being capable of creating and rebuilding their collective imagination and their identity. In this sense, this study will particularly focus on the meanings that "collective imagination(s)" give to recent historical events and battles that are emerging from the social conflict to control "historicity" and "memory".It will start from the study of a political process of the Spanish transition. This event, controversial in the Spanish society, is subject to constant review both by historiography and literature, but most particularly by the media. Therefore, the analysis of the social and media representations of the Spanish transition proves to be, from our perspective very interesting, because they are historical productions with a strong influence on the construction of the Spanish "social memory".This research is therefore part of the disciplinary field of "history of present time" and is interested in the "memory" and "the public uses of history", including the historical representations that contribute to the creation of the "social memory". Within this context, our study will address the construction of this social memory by starting to analyse the role played by mass media as instruments of transmission of "memory" and historicity. Therefore, this research will dedicate a particular attention to the historical storytelling that forms what some authors have called "media historiography" and that has been an important contribution to the social construction of the interpretation of the past and then the present time.In order to do so, we propose to examine the official storytelling that arises from public institutions and that has been conveyed by the media through different generic forms: informative productions, reports and documentary shows. Later, we will undertake the analysis of historical productions, as well as the contributions of historiography, in the ...
This thesis seeks to analyse the historical interpretations produced by societies in order to interpret and understand their past events, thus being capable of creating and rebuilding their collective imagination and their identity. In this sense, this study will particularly focus on the meanings that "collective imagination(s)" give to recent historical events and battles that are emerging from the social conflict to control "historicity" and "memory".It will start from the study of a political process of the Spanish transition. This event, controversial in the Spanish society, is subject to constant review both by historiography and literature, but most particularly by the media. Therefore, the analysis of the social and media representations of the Spanish transition proves to be, from our perspective very interesting, because they are historical productions with a strong influence on the construction of the Spanish "social memory".This research is therefore part of the disciplinary field of "history of present time" and is interested in the "memory" and "the public uses of history", including the historical representations that contribute to the creation of the "social memory". Within this context, our study will address the construction of this social memory by starting to analyse the role played by mass media as instruments of transmission of "memory" and historicity. Therefore, this research will dedicate a particular attention to the historical storytelling that forms what some authors have called "media historiography" and that has been an important contribution to the social construction of the interpretation of the past and then the present time.In order to do so, we propose to examine the official storytelling that arises from public institutions and that has been conveyed by the media through different generic forms: informative productions, reports and documentary shows. Later, we will undertake the analysis of historical productions, as well as the contributions of historiography, in the understanding of this determinant event. Finally, with deep attention, we will tackle the study of audiovisual productions that are fictional and have historical material. Hence, by starting from the analysis of representations produced by this historical event, and the study of politico-cultural connections established between the present and the past told by these historical productions, our work seeks to understand the function of these in the construction of the "social memory". This work also tries to understand the role played by audiovisual storytelling, or historical fictions, as connectors to memory and tools that created the history of Spanish society.We hope then to be able to verify the existence of a "media historiography" that contributes in a decisive manner to the construction of the "social memory". In this sense, concerning the Spanish Transition, we aspire to answer the questions that the control of this "media historiography" imposes. We will do so first through the hegemony of the official storytelling, then by overtaking the State's imposed frame and the resulting development of a conflict for the "memory" and control of "historicity". ; Cette thèse cherche à analyser des représentations historiques produites par les sociétés afin d'interpréter et comprendre leurs événements passés et ainsi pouvoir construire et recomposer leur imaginaire collectif et leur identité. Dans ce sens, ce travail consacrera une attention toute particulière aux significations que la ou les « mémoire(s) collective(s) » donnent aux événements historiques récents et aux luttes qui se développent autour de ce conflit social pour le contrôle de « l'historicité » et de la « mémoire ».Elle partira de l'étude du processus politique de la Transition espagnole. Cet événement, de nature polémique au sein de la société espagnole, est soumis à une révision constante aussi bien par l'historiographie que par la littérature, mais surtout par les médias. De ce fait, l'analyse des représentations sociales et médiatiques de la Transition s'avère de notre point de vue très intéressant, car elles sont des productions historiques avec une forte influence dans la construction de la « mémoire social » espagnole.Ce travail de recherche s'insère donc dans le champ disciplinaire de « l'histoire du temps présent » et s'intéresse à la « mémoire » et aux « usages publics de l'histoire », notamment aux représentations historiques qui contribuent à la formation de la « mémoire sociale ». Dans ce cadre, notre étude abordera la construction de cette « mémoire sociale » en partant de l'analyse du rôle joué par les mass média en tant qu'instruments de transmission de « mémoire » et d'historisation. Par conséquent, cette recherche consacrera une attention toute particulière aux récits historiques qui forment ce que certains auteurs ont appelé « l'historiographie médiatique » et qui a une si importante contribution dans la construction social de l'interprétation du passé depuis le présent.Pour ce faire, nous nous proposons d'examiner tout d'abord le récit officiel surgit des institutions publiques et véhiculé grâce aux médias par le biais de différentes formes génériques : des productions informatives, des reportages et des émissions documentaires. Ensuite, nous entreprendrons d'analyser les productions historiques ainsi que les apports de l'historiographie à la compréhension de cet événement déterminant et, finalement, avec une attention toute particulière, nous nous attèlerons à étudier les productions audiovisuelles fictionnelles à caractère historique. Ainsi donc, en partant de l'analyse des représentations produites autour de cet événement historique et de l'étude des connexions politico-culturelles qui s'établissent entre le présent et le passé raconté par ces productions historiques, notre travail cherche à comprendre la fonction de celles-ci dans la construction de la « mémoire sociale », ainsi que le rôle tenu par les narrations audiovisuelles ou fictions historiques en tant que véhicules de mémoire et outils d'historisation de la société espagnole.Nous espérons ainsi pouvoir vérifier l'existence d'une « historiographie médiatique » qui contribue de façon décisive à la construction de la « mémoire sociale ». De la même façon, en ce qui concerne la Transition espagnole, nous aspirons à répondre aux questionnements que le contrôle de cette « historiographie médiatique » impose. Dans un premier temps, par le biais de l'hégémonie du récit officiel et, dans un second temps, à partir du dépassement du cadre imposé par l'État et le développement conséquent d'un conflit pour la « mémoire » et pour le contrôle de « l'historicité ».
Cet article veut mettre en évidence comment le manque de communication (incommunicabilité) entre les pays européens sur toute une série de problématiques – en premier lieu celle relative aux migrants – ne détermine pas seulement les agendas politiques de ces différents pays (dépendants de la proximité géographique au problème) mais fonde aussi dans l'opinion publique des stéréotypes orientant notre relation à l'autre. ; In this article, we show how a communication deficit (uncommunicability) between European countries on a whole series of issues – and primarily the migrant question – not only determines political agendas in these different countries (which vary depending on their geographical closeness to the problem), but also builds stereotypes in public opinion that influence people's attitudes to others.
In her dissertation, Children, Parents, Media and Risk Society: Are Content Ratings Making Media Regulation Possible?, Sophie Jehel examines the role of television and videogame ratings, involved in the content regulation system. In the first section, the author shows how in the family and social environment, debates involving childhood protection are regularly avoided for fear of provoking the issue of "censorship"; this idea completely misses the point of the current legal and economic states of the mass media. Today, television and radio, like "new media" such as internet and social networking applications, are a key element of the "Risk Society." (U. Beck). Similar to other industries, the media grow using the « social production of risk » in many ways, like broadcasting violent or shocking content. Therefore the media needs to regulate content to protect children. In theory, the co-regulation system advocated by the European Union, which involves citizen and user control, is meant to counterbalance the auto-regulation system of the rating process. In the second section, the author, drawing from a survey which examined 1142 children in their final year of elementary school (5th grade in France), or in their first year of junior high school (6th grade in France), and 781 of their parents, analyzes the utilization of content ratings. Today, the risks produced by the media are everywhere in the media environment, and affect people of every social background, but boys and particularly children from working class backgrounds–especially the ones who study in schools ZEP (Priority Education Zone)– are more exposed to situations of "risk". In general, parents and children widely consider the rating system good, but at this point, because of a lack of understanding, they cannot effectively counterbalance the influence of media. Therefore, successful co-regulation remains a long shot. ; Dans sa thèse, Enfants, parents, médias et société du risque. Les classifications de contenu permettent-elles une régulation des ...
In her dissertation, Children, Parents, Media and Risk Society: Are Content Ratings Making Media Regulation Possible?, Sophie Jehel examines the role of television and videogame ratings, involved in the content regulation system. In the first section, the author shows how in the family and social environment, debates involving childhood protection are regularly avoided for fear of provoking the issue of "censorship"; this idea completely misses the point of the current legal and economic states of the mass media. Today, television and radio, like "new media" such as internet and social networking applications, are a key element of the "Risk Society." (U. Beck). Similar to other industries, the media grow using the « social production of risk » in many ways, like broadcasting violent or shocking content. Therefore the media needs to regulate content to protect children. In theory, the co-regulation system advocated by the European Union, which involves citizen and user control, is meant to counterbalance the auto-regulation system of the rating process. In the second section, the author, drawing from a survey which examined 1142 children in their final year of elementary school (5th grade in France), or in their first year of junior high school (6th grade in France), and 781 of their parents, analyzes the utilization of content ratings. Today, the risks produced by the media are everywhere in the media environment, and affect people of every social background, but boys and particularly children from working class backgrounds–especially the ones who study in schools ZEP (Priority Education Zone)– are more exposed to situations of "risk". In general, parents and children widely consider the rating system good, but at this point, because of a lack of understanding, they cannot effectively counterbalance the influence of media. Therefore, successful co-regulation remains a long shot. ; Dans sa thèse, Enfants, parents, médias et société du risque. Les classifications de contenu permettent-elles une régulation des ...
La société de l'information suggère des changements certainement économiques, politiques, sociaux, donc autant culturels et anthropologiques. L'expansion désormais mondiale des differentes techniques de communication en masse a comme résultante, de facon toujours plus évidente, des mutations inhérentes et en quelque sorte communes à toutes les sociétés et cultures (le fameux "village global" selon McLuhan), et, par conséquent (indirectement et à long terme) de la personne meme. Il reste a voir pas seulement en quels sens précis, mais aussi en quelle mesure effective les mass-média ont un impact à ce niveau culturel et anthropologique. Sans aucune prétention de offrir quelque réponse exhaustive à telles questions, on se limite a considérer la question de la possible relation entre mass-média et religion, et plus profondement entre mass-média et religiosité . Car, notre recherche – effectuée sur un echantillon representatif de la population jeune particulièrement croyante (donc manifestant un niveau de religiosité significatif) et appartenante aux differentes confessions chretiennes existantes en Roumanie – a relevé que, en Roumanie parmi les agents effectifs de socialisation religieuse, il y a aussi les moyens de communication en masse. Par cet étude donc ce que nous nous proposons d'offrir aux lecteurs c'est: premièrement, une analyse de l'impact que, dans la Roumanie post-communiste, l'utilisation des technologies de communication en masse a pu effectivement avoir sur la personnalité sociale de certains individus et plus précisément sous l'aspect des valeurs partagées par ceux-ci notamment attitudes et comportements religieux; et, deuxièmement, une analyse de la religiosité-meme des personnes ayant subi une conversion religieuse (au christianisme en ce cas) par l'intermediaire des médias (en analysant les dimensions fondamentales de leur religiosité) notamment journaux – radio – télevision. Du point de vue de la sociologie des médias notre discours est donc relatif plutot aux fonctions socio-culturelles ...
Avec l'introduction de technologies analogiques et (plus tard) numériques, de nombreux pays d'Afrique subsaharienne ont vu l'émergence et la croissance rapide d'industries audiovisuelles commerciales produisant des fi lms en format vidéo. L'industrie nigériane, Nollywood, est le cas d'étude qui a suscité le plus d'intérêt, contribuant à la formulation d'un modèle analytique qui a infl uencé notre compréhension d'autres exemples de production en cours sur le continent. Cet article propose une analyse comparative de l'histoire de la production vidéo dans trois pays d'Afrique subsaharienne (Nigéria, Ethiopie et Côte d'Ivoire), afi n de complexifi er notre approche de la production vidéo africaine au-delà du modèle de Nollywood. À partir des documents recueillis lors de recherches de terrain ethnographiques menées dans chacun de ces pays, il offre une contribution originale au débat actuel sur l'impact des technologies analogiques et numériques sur la transformation du cinéma africain, en mettant en évidence le rôle des contextes politique, économique et infrastructurel locaux sur le développement des industries vidéo en Afrique subsaharienne. ; Peer reviewed
In her dissertation, Children, Parents, Media and Risk Society: Are Content Ratings Making Media Regulation Possible?, Sophie Jehel examines the role of television and videogame ratings, involved in the content regulation system. In the first section, the author shows how in the family and social environment, debates involving childhood protection are regularly avoided for fear of provoking the issue of "censorship"; this idea completely misses the point of the current legal and economic states of the mass media. Today, television and radio, like "new media" such as internet and social networking applications, are a key element of the "Risk Society." (U. Beck). Similar to other industries, the media grow using the « social production of risk » in many ways, like broadcasting violent or shocking content. Therefore the media needs to regulate content to protect children. In theory, the co-regulation system advocated by the European Union, which involves citizen and user control, is meant to counterbalance the auto-regulation system of the rating process. In the second section, the author, drawing from a survey which examined 1142 children in their final year of elementary school (5th grade in France), or in their first year of junior high school (6th grade in France), and 781 of their parents, analyzes the utilization of content ratings. Today, the risks produced by the media are everywhere in the media environment, and affect people of every social background, but boys and particularly children from working class backgrounds–especially the ones who study in schools ZEP (Priority Education Zone)– are more exposed to situations of "risk". In general, parents and children widely consider the rating system good, but at this point, because of a lack of understanding, they cannot effectively counterbalance the influence of media. Therefore, successful co-regulation remains a long shot. ; Dans sa thèse, Enfants, parents, médias et société du risque. Les classifications de contenu permettent-elles une régulation des médias ? Sophie Jehel pose la question de la place des signalétiques (TV, jeu vidéo) dans le cadre de la régulation des contenus tant familiale que sociale. Dans une première partie, l'auteur montre comment les débats sur la protection de l'enfance sont régulièrement enterrés en France par crainte de faire ressurgir la « censure », en décalage complet avec la situation juridique et économique des médias de masse. Les médias audiovisuels comme les nouveaux médias sont aujourd'hui au cœur de la « société du risque » (U. Beck). Comme les autres industries, ils développent leur croissance sur la « production sociale de risque » de multiples façons, la diffusion de contenus violents ou crus fait partie de cette économie. Les médias sont donc tenus de fournir aussi des outils de protection pour les enfants. Le système de corégulation prôné par l'Union Européenne doit en principe contrebalancer le développement de l'autorégulation des procédures de classification par un contrôle des citoyens utilisateurs. Dans une seconde partie, l'auteure s'appuyant sur une enquête auprès de 1142 enfants de CM2 et de sixième et 781 de leurs parents analyse les usages des classifications de contenu. Si les risques médiatiques sont aujourd'hui très dispersés tant dans l'environnement médiatique que dans les différents espaces sociaux, les garçons et les enfants des milieux populaires, particulièrement ceux fréquentant des établissements ZEP, sont confrontés à des situations de risque renforcé. Si les parents et les enfants adhèrent massivement aux systèmes de classification, ils ne peuvent pour le moment jouer de rôle de contrepouvoir car ils en comprennent mal les procédures. La corégulation reste aujourd'hui un horizon lointain.
This doctoral thesis explores the validity of the agenda setting theory in the social media platform of Twitter. The theory has shown how the mass media prioritize information using the "issue salience" to try to influence public opinion. This thesis seeks to determine whether this theory, conceived in an era prior to the advent of digital media, can be applied to Twitter, which is both a mass media source and a selective news media source.This research is conducted in the field of political communication. Two studies have examined the accounts of political personalities and mass media sources present on Twitter in two Twitterspheres, France and Kuwait, during a selected period of the year 2016, corresponding for France to the primaries that preceded the presidential elections. A survey of users of these Twitterspheres completes this analysis.The results showed under what conditions an effect of "agenda setting" can form and create conversations beyond the "filtration bubble" that commands the selective exposure to information. ; Cette thèse de doctorat explore la validité de la notion d'agenda setting sur un média social particulier : Twitter. La théorie de l'agenda setting a montré comment les médias de masse utilise la hiérarchisation de l'information et la « prépondérance des sujets » (« issue salience ») pour tenter d'agir sur l'opinion publique. La thèse cherche à déterminer si cette théorie, conçue à une époque antérieure à l'avènement des médias numériques, peut s'appliquer à Twitter qui est à la fois un média de masse et un média d'exposition sélective à l'information.La recherche est menée sur le terrain de la communication politique. Deux études ont examinés et comparés les comptes de personnalités politiques et de medias d'information générale dans deux Twittosphères : l'une française et l'autre koweitienne durant une période de l'année 2016, correspondant pour la France aux primaires qui ont précédé les présidentielles. Une enquête sur les utilisateurs de ...
This doctoral thesis explores the validity of the agenda setting theory in the social media platform of Twitter. The theory has shown how the mass media prioritize information using the "issue salience" to try to influence public opinion. This thesis seeks to determine whether this theory, conceived in an era prior to the advent of digital media, can be applied to Twitter, which is both a mass media source and a selective news media source.This research is conducted in the field of political communication. Two studies have examined the accounts of political personalities and mass media sources present on Twitter in two Twitterspheres, France and Kuwait, during a selected period of the year 2016, corresponding for France to the primaries that preceded the presidential elections. A survey of users of these Twitterspheres completes this analysis.The results showed under what conditions an effect of "agenda setting" can form and create conversations beyond the "filtration bubble" that commands the selective exposure to information. ; Cette thèse de doctorat explore la validité de la notion d'agenda setting sur un média social particulier : Twitter. La théorie de l'agenda setting a montré comment les médias de masse utilise la hiérarchisation de l'information et la « prépondérance des sujets » (« issue salience ») pour tenter d'agir sur l'opinion publique. La thèse cherche à déterminer si cette théorie, conçue à une époque antérieure à l'avènement des médias numériques, peut s'appliquer à Twitter qui est à la fois un média de masse et un média d'exposition sélective à l'information.La recherche est menée sur le terrain de la communication politique. Deux études ont examinés et comparés les comptes de personnalités politiques et de medias d'information générale dans deux Twittosphères : l'une française et l'autre koweitienne durant une période de l'année 2016, correspondant pour la France aux primaires qui ont précédé les présidentielles. Une enquête sur les utilisateurs de ...
This doctoral thesis examines mediations in the exchange of knowledge regarding media education from the perspective of information and communication sciences. Media pedagogy has existed since the beginning of the century and the emergence of mass media. First developed by activist educators, they were progressively introduced to the school system in France and Germany, before being accepted as an official field in the 1980s. The legitimacy of media education grew until its inclusion in the curricula at the beginning of the 2000s, when digital media use became more and more widespread. What are the values and knowledge to be transmitted in this context? What are the educational and political implications and prominent issues of media education? This study deals with the formal education system. After exploring the process of institutionalization of media education in both countries, we deploy a critical comparative analysis of official documents (legal documents, school curricula and brochures produced by media education centres) in order to identify their epistemological and pedagogical framings and definitions. Thus we explore the key concepts of literacy, digital culture (culture numérique) and media competence (Medienkompetenz) and question the perimeter of media education and digital skills. Interviews with members of the education and training sector and with teenagers in school contexts finally enable us to identify how knowledge about media is transmitted, as well as the educational and political implications of this process. ; Cette thèse étudie les enjeux communicationnels de la médiation des savoirs en éducation aux médias (EAM) dans une perspective franco-allemande. D'abord le fait de pédagogues militants, les pratiques pédagogiques liées aux médias sont peu à peu intégrées à l'institution scolaire dans le contexte français comme allemand, puis reconnues comme un domaine officiel dans les années 1980. Celui-ci gagne progressivement en légitimité jusqu'à être inclus dans les programmes au début des ...
The present paper attempts to give an otline of the expressiveness of the discourse encountered in the mass media. Examples are drawn from selected Polish and French periodicals retrieved from the Internet: le Monde, Libération, Tribune, Newsweek, Gazeta Wyborcza. The political stance of these titles is characterized alongside. Main focus is laid on headlines which on account of their localization usually abound most with conspicuous discursive effects, including the ones having specifically expressive character. A priviledged position of the mass media in approaching real life problems is discussed first. Then, various wording techniques implemented in press titles are subject to a thorough analysis. Expressiveness and establishing a particular ranking of values are viewed as two concurrent and close-knit phenomena. Furthermore, expressiveness is shown to reflect current political trends and to comply with main characters of political regime in a given community. Finally, examples exhibiting a high degree of expressive markedness are analyzed. Their peculiar linguistic features result, among others, from delexicalization, NPs exhibiting a strong axiological bias, and neologisms. ; The present paper attempts to give an otline of the expressiveness of the discourse encountered in the mass media. Examples are drawn from selected Polish and French periodicals retrieved from the Internet: le Monde, Libération, Tribune, Newsweek, Gazeta Wyborcza. The political stance of these titles is characterized alongside. Main focus is laid on headlines which on account of their localization usually abound most with conspicuous discursive effects, including the ones having specifically expressive character. A priviledged position of the mass media in approaching real life problems is discussed first. Then, various wording techniques implemented in press titles are subject to a thorough analysis. Expressiveness and establishing a particular ranking of values are viewed as two concurrent and close-knit phenomena. Furthermore, expressiveness is shown to reflect current political trends and to comply with main characters of political regime in a given community. Finally, examples exhibiting a high degree of expressive markedness are analyzed. Their peculiar linguistic features result, among others, from delexicalization, NPs exhibiting a strong axiological bias, and neologisms.
On the basis of the analysis of news content from 2008 to 2012, we describe in this article the tendencies of Czech media in dealing with foreign policy topics, using a combination of quantitative content analysis and qualitative case studies of selected foreign policy events. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses demonstrate that the coverage of political events in the media is highly personalised and viewed through the prism of the personal or political interests of Czech political elites and the conflicts between them. As concerns the diversity of the actors presented and topics covered, the Czech media produce a considerably restricted and more or less uniform stream of news commented upon by a relatively limited spectrum of actors, mainly Czech politicians. For non-political, non-governmental, and international actors, access to the debate is considerably limited. The print media tends to present major political events as power-based conflicts between individuals or groups, rather than as negotiations about public affairs supported by substantive arguments. In effect, Habermas's classical vision of the role of mass media in democracy, which is to promote rational discussion as a desirable form of public debate, is replaced with persuasion through emotional appeal, which has been widely criticised. At the same time, however, some theoretical traditions see it more positively as a less restrictive form of public discourse. ; On the basis of the analysis of news content from 2008 to 2012, we describe in this article the tendencies of Czech media in dealing with foreign policy topics, using a combination of quantitative content analysis and qualitative case studies of selected foreign policy events. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses demonstrate that the coverage of political events in the media is highly personalised and viewed through the prism of the personal or political interests of Czech political elites and the conflicts between them. As concerns the diversity of the actors presented and ...
Depuis le début du XXIe siècle, la démocratisation d'Internet et de ses relais (téléphones intelligents, tablettes, ordinateurs portables) a rebattu les cartes du paysage médiatique, augmentant le nombre de producteurs et de récepteurs d'informations. Les images et vidéos ont ainsi acquis un spectre d'action élargi, bien que fortement concurrencé. Les terroristes l'ont bien compris qui, pour se faire entendre et propager leur message, adoptent des codes visuels et scénaristiques aussi violents que spectaculaires. Dans ce contexte, un certain nombre de romans s'attèlent à mettre en lumière les relations entre le terrorisme et les médias, entre la violence des attentats et le monde – financier, culturel, médiatique – qu'ils prétendent abattre. Notre contribution s'attache à décrire cette dénonciation du capitalisme en établissant sa dette envers le concept debordien de « spectacle » : le capitalisme déréalise les expériences et récupère la critique, de sorte que même dans l'extériorité qu'elle tente de se ménager, la contestation terroriste hérite de ses logiques et modes de fonctionnement. Les krachs et les bombes semblent donc brûler du même feu, prétexte à détourner le dernier film de Debord (In girum imus nocte et consumimur igni, 1978) dans notre titre. En déplaçant certaines des thèses de Guy Debord sur le terrain de la fiction, il semble que le roman contemporain se les réapproprie, rendant toute son actualité à la pensée du situationniste. ; Since the beginning of the 21st century, the democratisation of the Internet and its relays (smart phones, tablets, laptops) has reshuffled the media landscape, increasing the information producers and receptors number. The images and videos have thus acquired an enlarged action spectrum, which even though is highly competed with. The terrorists have understood it quite well, who, to make themselves heard and spread their message, adopted visual and storyline codes which are as violent as they are spectacular. In this context, a certain number of novels get down to enlighten the relations between terrorism and media, between the attacks' violence and the – financial, cultural, media – world that they pretend to knock down. Our contribution endeavours to describe this denunciation of the capitalism by establishing its debt over the Debord concept of "spectacle": the capitalism makes the experiences unreal and salvages the criticism for itself so that even in the exteriority that it tries to create, the terrorist contestation inherits its logics and functioning modes. The stock market crashes and the bombs so seem to burn from the same fire, pretext to twist Debord's last movie (In girum imus nocte et consumimur igni, 1978) in our title. By shifting some of Debord's thesis on the fiction terrain, it seems that the contemporary novel is reclaiming them, giving all its actuality to the situationist's thinking. ; Peer reviewed