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Krigsbloggerne som alternative mediestemmer
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 70, Heft 1, S. 122-132
ISSN: 0020-577X
Sosiale medier, samfunns-politisk deltagelse og kontroll
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 71, Heft 2, S. 263-273
ISSN: 0020-577X
Mediebildet av krigforingen i Afghanistan: verdige eller uverdige ofre?
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 65, Heft 1, S. 23-38
ISSN: 0020-577X
Den medie-militære relation mellem kontinuitet og nybrud
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 71, Heft 2, S. 149-174
ISSN: 0020-577X
Demokrati pa kinesisk
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 66, Heft 4, S. 633-644
ISSN: 0020-577X
Discusses the history and development of democracy and freedom in China from Mao Zedong to Beijing 2008 Summer Olympics. During Mao's regime the Chinese people lacked every freedom from travel to the freedom of speech in their own homes, and as late as 1989 the Tiananmen Square protests were brutally ended by the regime. Since then China has freed its economy and by the early 21st century Chinese people enjoy the right to select their local leaders, to live in any community they like, and to communicate freely with each other. However the highest party officials are still above criticism and the media is censored. L. Pitkaniemi
Osama bin Laden - demonen og helten
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 70, Heft 4, S. 455-474
ISSN: 0020-577X
Dragkamp melloni autoritaert styre og demokratisering i Tyrkia: Medias dekning av den kurdiske konflikten
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 73, Heft 1, S. 51-77
ISSN: 0020-577X
Etter at Tyrkia i 1999 fikk status som sokerland til EU og forhandlinger om medlemskap startet i 2005, har tyrkerne lovet a imotekomme EU-krav om demokratisering av landet og en losning av det 'kurdiske problemei'. En demokratiseringsprosess forutsetter imidlertid kritiske og frie medier. Men bade Tyrkias vestlige allierte og folk flest i landet er bekymret for dagens situasjon, der journalister, forfattere og folkevalgte politikere fengsles for sine ytringer som av myndighetene er oppfattet som formidling av propaganda som kommer den kurdiske frigjoringsbevegelse (PKK) til gode. Basert pa intervjuer med personer med ekspertkunnskap fra Tyrkia og et utvalg av avisartikler og kommentarer fra tyrkiske papiraviser, utforskes det hvordan tyrkiske medier styres i forhold til det kurdiske opproret i Tyrkia, samt hvorvidt det regierende Rettferdighets-og utviklingsparti (AKP) kan bidra til a demokratisere landet. Analysen viser at under Erdogan og hans AKP har medienes handlingsrom med hensyn til kurderkonflikten, og for orvrig ogsa generelt, ikke blitt saerlig bedre enn under hans forgjengere When Turkey was granted candidate status to EU membership in 1999 and negotiations started in 2005, hopes were high that the country would meet EU requirements for democratization and that a solution would be found to the so-called 'Kurdish problem'. However, a democratization process implies a critical and free media. Turkey's citizens and Western allies are now following recent developments with concern. Journalists, writers and elected politicians have been imprisoned for their work, some held on terror-related charges or propaganda and others for allegedly participating in antigovernment plots. With this as a backdrop, to what extent is Erdogan and his ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) democratizing the country? My aim in this article is to answer the question and explore the extent to which media censorship and control is occurring, in particular regarding Kurdish insurgency in Turkey. I make use of primary and secondary data, including interviews with media experts in Turkey and a selection of newspaper articles from six Turkish newspapers. The Turkish government already exercises a tight hand over Turkey's traditional media, yet, as the analysis reveals, under Erdogan the government controls of freedom of expression and press (in particular concerning the Kurdish conflict) are tightening further. Adapted from the source document.
Politiske superstjerner: Kjendispolitikk og mediene
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 71, Heft 4, S. 581-590
ISSN: 0020-577X
PROSES DEMOKRATISASI DI INDONESIA PASCA REFORMASI
In: Mimbar Administrasi FISIP UNTAG Semarang; Vol 15, No 19 (2019): Jurnal Mimbar Administrasi; 12-28 ; 9772581101001 ; 0854-3542
ABSTRACT The Concept of Democracy is one of the products of Western thought that has gone through a long history since ancient Greece that was neglected in the development of mainstream discourse, but returned to popularity in the 18th century and became a constant conversation when the wave of democratization hit countries in the world since in the 1970s. What is interesting about the concept of democracy is the inspiration of the thoughts that it gave birth to political transformation in many countries that inspired to inspire many scholars and activists in many developing countries who were also struggling with autocratic regimes to deepen it. Democratic reforms have always been special news in various mass media, both in newspapers, television, and not only discussed in general contexts, such as in mass media, but also in more specialized public spaces. For example, it was seen when the first direct presidential election in Indonesia after the New Order was broadcast widely and attracted the attention of the world's citizens. Democracy is also discussed in restaurants, football stadiums, malls, terminals and many other places including Nobar (Watching goods) Presidential / Cawapres debate ahead of the 2019 Presidential Election. This reality shows that democracy has been accepted as an important word in the present century. But the problems that need to get mutual attention, how the democratization process takes place, the key actors, the interaction between actors what will be achieved, the driving factors and obstacles to the democratization process. Keywords: Democracy, Democratization Process, Reformation, Interactionbetween actors
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Otonomi Daerah Dan Komunikasi Politik Perempuan: (Analisis Gramcian Kandidat Perempuan Parlemen Provinsi DKI Jakarta Tahun 2009)
The research about the women parliament candidacy based on problems, theory, methodology and researchanalysis being utilized by the researcher aims at 1) unveiling affirmative action policy in accordance to the2003 Public Election regulation (UU) and the 2008 political party regulation that are suitable policy along withefforts to enhance women representativeness in parliament within regional autonomy framework; 2) elaboratingpolitical party supports towards quota fulfillment process of 30 percent in line with the 2009 public electionregulation; 3) describing and criticizing mass media roles in the process of the political communication of womencandidates of DKI Jakarta Province in 2009; 4) discovering and exploring quality of the political communicationof women candidates of DKI Jakarta Province 2009; 5) highlighting women efforts and struggles regarding theregulation of political quota and regional autonomy are so-called 'counter hegemony' movement. Paradigmused in the research is critical paradigm with Gramcsian analysis model. Theory and concept of this research areAntonio Gramcsi's thoughts; hegemony-counter hegemony, political network alliance, political communication,radical feminism, mass media in the New Marxist perspective (Gramcsian) and regional autonomy concept.The research uses qualitative approach with case study method and feminist research as well as equipped bymethod of the Gramcsian-Marxist analysis. Results and discussion of the research argue that women have beenundergoing marginalization both culturally and structurally in the political realm resulting in injustice of theirrepresentativeness in parliament. The notion becomes rooted in the social structure and system and has been goingas a cultural system which is patriarchy system. The women altogether have to establish and belong to a solidnetwork alliance to give pressure towards the government; those are in power and the state in order to transformconditions of women representativeness in parliament. They are therefore expected to have bargaining positionthat is balanced or even stronger with the state. The position is needed by women in that they can compete withmen and create broader opportunity by which they achieve it by the release of the 2009 political party regulationand the running of the regional autonomy regulation. In the Gramcsi's concept, the equality of bargaining positionbetween women movement, represented as civil society and the state represented as political community highlylikely produce conceptual/intellectual and practical clashes to establish new hegemony whose consequence isto prosper woman community and broader civil society as well as political community. In this phase, Gramcsinames it as 'counter hegemony' movement in which women can present themselves and bear new hegemony afterwinning the conceptual war against the old hegemony. The women's struggles to run candidacy of The 2009 DKIregional election took a form of 'counter hegemony'. The effort was undertaken so that the women can owe highbargaining position in politics that is influenced by the other power namely mass media. The need to supports ofmedia industry is inevitable. Media industry, as institution having capital ideology, might highly possible be usedby women movement/ the civil. In addition, women can take benefits from media to assist struggles of 'counterhegemony'. As a consequence, the women's struggles of counter hegemony are complicated to do due to partialand incomprehensive efforts. The women political candidates of DKI Jakarta possess resistant movement spirit orfighting movement to transform cultural values of patriarchy especially in politics. In this notion, it is evident thatemancipation ideology is not effective to strengthen the movement unless it is as communal vision and missionfrom elements of struggles that can produce women great energy to achieve their goals. The energy is no other than'collective will' considered as fighting ideology which is necessary therein fighting ideas of women have constantand significant energy.Keywords : regional autonomy, political communication, Gramcsian Analysis, women parliament candidacydkijakarta 2009)
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REGULASI DAN PEMBANGUNAN PERS ERA 1966-1973 DI INDONESIA
AbstractResearch, regulation and development of this press researched to deepen the development of the mass media is so dynamic in Indonesia. Those who want to delve into the media and political power in Indonesia and how to act in favor of the power to be used as a tool to build community in the era of Soeharto. The study examines how the press system established under a political system that is referred to as the basic media Indonesia between 1966 and 1973. To achieve the goal of the study, investigation was made on the press and the factors that influence the formation of a press system using an approach through the analysis of historical research documents and in-depth interviews. The results showed that the formation of the media system is based on a process of consciously designed to conform to the philosophy and values practiced by the manager, who went on to become Indonesia's national policy. The planned process is essentially cultural values such as "collaboration", the spirit of harmony, harmony, balance, and obedience. Press system formation process is done through persuasion and consensus made during the meeting, which was later used as a tool to control the activities of the press in Indonesia. The study also found some dominant factor affecting the development of the media system that includes socio-cultural, political and economic. The results showed that from 1966 to 1973, the government supports the aspiration to form a healthy media system, free and responsible as well as build a sense of family planning in line with the direction of the government's political ideology. Policies formed the basis for formulation of media system in Indonesia based on Pancasila. While from 1966-1973 the press laws No.4 / 1967 into force on the development of media freedom, justice and freedom. Keywords: Regulation, Development, Press, authoriter
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Tenketankenes rolle i amerikansk politikk
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 64, S. 367-391
ISSN: 0020-577X
The role of think tanks in American politics has been increasingly subjected to systematic analysis over the last 10-15 years. In this article I review some of this literature, focusing mainly on the questions of what think tanks are, why this phenomenon is so strongly associated with the US, & what influence think tanks have on US policy-making. Think tanks comprise a wide range of organizations, from pure research institutions to the ideologically-based "advocacy think tanks" characterized by their combination of a strong political agenda & aggressive marketing techniques. The American political system has several features that allow think tanks access to the decision-making process, such as a fragmented structure with a weak party system, a central role for the mass media, & an issue-dominated political agenda. There is no good measure of the general influence of think tanks in US politics, but case studies indicate that the central role of the ideologically-based advocacy think tanks may serve to undermine the role of experts in American politics in the long term. References. Adapted from the source document.
PERAN MASYARAKAT MADANI MEWUJUDKAN CLEAN GOVERNMENT: PEMERINTAHAN YANG BEBAS KORUPSI KOLUSI DAN NEPOTISME
Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism (KKN) are social diseases that have long infected the nation and state of Indonesia. This paper conveys the social movement theory in the effort to create a government free from KKN through strengthening the role of masyarakat madani (civil society). The Jenkins and Klandermans' diagram of the relationship of social movements with the state and the political system illustrates the problem of a three-way relationship between social movements, political representation and the state. The issue is the extent to which opportunities represented by political representatives in social movements, the impact of social protests on political parties and official political processes, as well as the implications of these relations in modern democracies. In this case, the social movement's chances through the 1998 reforms have been able to undermine the authoritarian New Order regime, a good start for the creation of democracy in Indonesia. However, it turns out that KKN disease that has been rooted to create systemic corruption (institutional entry) creates its own difficulties in eradication. Civil society as an alternative to social forces should be encouraged to play a role in solving the chaotic reform of the Indonesian bureaucracy. The role of civil society through NGOs, intellectuals, students, workers or labours, mass organizations, religious leaders, social media, press and other elements of society are expected to make the government more assertive in enforcing the law and crack down on KKN actors according to MPR XI / 1998, Anti-Corruption Law, as well as other supporting regulations that have been created. Law enforcement agencies, including POLRI, KPK, Judicial Commission are expected to play a role. This is of course with the participation of civil society as a control force that offsets the strength of government in upholding truth and justice. Keywords: civil society, social movements, KKN (Corruption, Collusion, and Nepotism), clean government.
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