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The Humanities in the society of communication should cease to be a set of self-referring truths, both destined to nourish signs of endogenous identity from academic elites and to exclusively assure standards of professional promotion. Humanities should i ; Las Humanidades en la sociedad de la comunicación deberían dejar de ser un conjunto de verdades autorreferidas, tanto destinadas a nutrir signos de identidad endógena de las élites académicas como a asegurar exclusivamente estándares de promoción profesio

This article aims to solve the following scientific problem: to study the ways of interaction between mass media, audience and authorities used in regional practice. The relevance and scientific significance of solving the above-mentioned problem lies in the fact that modern mass media exist in a dynamically changing social space. The main objective is to determine how fully events of the political and public life of a country or region are reflected in the daily practice of regional mass media. Based on the analysis of print media, the authors of the article consider the authenticity, completeness and objectivity of the information worldview created by journalists of the Arkhangelsk Region. The contractual mechanism of information services used by authorities forces journalists to resort to self-censorship and non-disclosure of socially important information, which leads to the creation of media myths and the loss of professionalism, as well as changes essential characteristics of journalism. It is indicated that it is much more dangerous for this profession to consciously distort the reflected reality by emphasizing some events or certain aspects of the displayed phenomena and concealing others, i.e. manipulating mass consciousness through non-disclosure. Non-disclosure not only erases, destroys and eliminates facts, but also creates a mythical, distorted and unreliable information worldview.

El presente artículo se propone un análisis histórico, desde lateoría clásica, de la relación entre poder y comunicación. El abordaje tieneen cuenta los orígenes del poder y su mutación a través de los tiempos,hasta tornarse capitalismo y cómo la razón, la ciencia, la técnica, sonpuestas al servicio de una clase dominante a la vez que la comunicaciónofrece la falsa noción de consenso democrático. Se evidencia la necesidadde lograr verdaderos actos comunicativos que contribuyan a un consensoreal y una mayor democracia en la construcción de los sentidos.The present article proposes a historic analysis, from the classicaltheory, of the relationship between power and communication. Theanalysis takes into account the origins of power and its mutation throughtimes, to become capitalism, as well as how the reason, science andtechnique, are at the service of a dominant class when communicationoffers the false notion of democratic consent. The need to achieve truecommunicative acts that contribute to a real consensus and a biggerdemocracy in the construction of the senses becomes evident.

Una de las características de la era digital más aceptada en términos generales la "democratización masiva" por el amplio acceso a los "mass media". Sin embargo, no existe una relación directa entre la apropiación tecnológica y la calidad de la noticia. Los medios de comunicación trabajan con la información, entendida ésta como un bien público al que la ciudadanía puede y debe acceder en miras a poder estar informado sobre lo que acontece a su alrededor. Expresarse libremente y estar bien informados constituyen doscondiciones esenciales de la democracia. Sin embargo los medios de comunicación producen las noticias que transmiten. Los medios son emisores además de transmisores de noticias que lejos están de ser neutrales y absolutas. Nos resta preguntarnos cómo es posible convertir a los dispositivos tecnológicos en herramientaspara lograr el empoderamiento de la información en las ciberdemocracias del siglo XXI. Recuperar el sentido de la acción ayudados por los mecanismos tecnológicos. La propia construcción a partir del inacabable proceso de de-construcción permite asegurarnos el imperio de la heterogeneidad; de la multiplicidad, por encima del discurso hegemónico y dominante ; "Mass democratization" is one of the characteristics of the digital age more accepted in general terms by the wide access to the "mass media". However, there is no direct relationship between technological appropriation and news quality. Media works with information, understood as a public good that citizens can and should be able to access in order to be informed about what is happening around them. Express themselves freely and be well informed are two essential conditions of democracy. But the mediaproduce news they transmit. Media are senders and transmitters of news that are far from beingneutral and absolute. It remains to ask how it culd be possible to transform technological devices as tools for the empowerment of the information in the XXI century ciber-democracies. Recover the sense ofaction aided by technological devices. The ...

The spread of Internet and the development of electronic mass media have made a significant impact on traditional mass media means. The circulation of newspapers and broadcast media ratings have been falling down. As a result, mass media journalists and researchers have started searching for ways for traditional mass media to retain its audience. They all have come to conclusion that readers, viewers and listeners should be involved into the formation of the mass media content. However, this is possible to happen only if journalists and editors devote more attention to the audience's feedback – the reflection of the public agenda. The object of this work is an overview of Lithuanian newspapers of the last three years. The goal of this work is to investigate the reflection of the audience's feedback in the Lithuanian mass media. The tasks of this work are: to distinguish direct and indirect feedback, to analyze positive and negative feedback's impact to mass media content; to explain the impact of public agenda; to analyze the conditions for a two-way communication model in the mass media; to expose the feedback as a competitive advantage; to research the content of two Lithuanian newspapers to estimate the effectiveness of feedback in Lithuanian mass media. The research findings have revealed that Lithuanian newspapers use several means of feedback. However, the latter is not published on the daily basis. Furthermore, different sources of feedback were discovered in the newspapers. Feedback was coming from mass media audience, various political institutions and media regulation organizations. In addition, it was discovered that newspapers use feedback not only to investigate the needs of audience or to generate ideas for new topics. Feedback is also used to endorse editors' point of view and is a back-up of an open criticism. Finally, the research has also demonstrated that feedback is rarely used to form the content of newspapers. Consequently, there are no favorable conditions for a two-way communication model in the Lithuanian mass media. Today's Lithuanian mass media, being apathetic to the public interest, unwilling to search for new opportunities to improve media quality, and lacking differentiating outlooks, demonstrates that feedback does not play a major role in the Lithuanian newspapers.

The spread of Internet and the development of electronic mass media have made a significant impact on traditional mass media means. The circulation of newspapers and broadcast media ratings have been falling down. As a result, mass media journalists and researchers have started searching for ways for traditional mass media to retain its audience. They all have come to conclusion that readers, viewers and listeners should be involved into the formation of the mass media content. However, this is possible to happen only if journalists and editors devote more attention to the audience's feedback – the reflection of the public agenda. The object of this work is an overview of Lithuanian newspapers of the last three years. The goal of this work is to investigate the reflection of the audience's feedback in the Lithuanian mass media. The tasks of this work are: to distinguish direct and indirect feedback, to analyze positive and negative feedback's impact to mass media content; to explain the impact of public agenda; to analyze the conditions for a two-way communication model in the mass media; to expose the feedback as a competitive advantage; to research the content of two Lithuanian newspapers to estimate the effectiveness of feedback in Lithuanian mass media. The research findings have revealed that Lithuanian newspapers use several means of feedback. However, the latter is not published on the daily basis. Furthermore, different sources of feedback were discovered in the newspapers. Feedback was coming from mass media audience, various political institutions and media regulation organizations. In addition, it was discovered that newspapers use feedback not only to investigate the needs of audience or to generate ideas for new topics. Feedback is also used to endorse editors' point of view and is a back-up of an open criticism. Finally, the research has also demonstrated that feedback is rarely used to form the content of newspapers. Consequently, there are no favorable conditions for a two-way communication model in the Lithuanian mass media. Today's Lithuanian mass media, being apathetic to the public interest, unwilling to search for new opportunities to improve media quality, and lacking differentiating outlooks, demonstrates that feedback does not play a major role in the Lithuanian newspapers.

La prensa forma parte de la vida diaria del ciudadano y se conforma como medio de información y entretenimiento dentro del conjunto de los mass media. En el panorama mediáticocomunicacional actual, la prensa (tanto en papel como online), constituye un elemento clave en la influencia, modificación de hábitos y comportamiento del ciudadano, de ahí que sea un importante agente educador, desde un doble criterio: por un lado, como instrumento de socialización del individuo, y por otro, como agente manipulador que conduce al individuo hacia los planteamientos e intereses de grupos mediáticos, gobiernos y organizaciones. El mensaje periodístico presenta un doble carácter: manipulador y agente educador en la era digital. La función educadora de la prensa se analiza desde varios puntos de vista: social, económico, cultural y ético. ; The press forms a part of the daily life of the citizen and conforms as way of information and entertainment inside the outfit of the mass media. In the media — communication current outlook, the press (so much in paper as online), constitutes a key element in the influence, modification of habits and behavior of the citizen, of there that is an important educational agent, from a double criterion: on the one hand, like instrument of socialization of the individual, and for other one, as manipulative agent who leads the individual towards the expositions and interests of media groups, governments and organizations. The journalistic message presents a double character: manipulator and educational agent in the digital age. The educational function of the press is analyzed from several points of view: social, economic, cultural and ethical.

The article attempts to show how the role of the mass media is changing in the field of politics today: it is no longer the institution that informs society or provides us with values and norms of behaviour and understanding, but itself becomes a political and ideological agent that exists in parallel with the political parties, competes with them and attempts to replace them in the political field. In modern society, the ideological expansion is only possible as media expansion. For this reason political parties or their ideologies compete today not only among themselves, but are also forced to compete with the mass media as a political power with an ideology of its own. Although it is hard to define (which is characteristic of the political structure of postmodern times), it influence on the society, its preferences in politics, and its choices of values is intensive and effective. As the mass media perceives its power and its new political and ideological opportunities, in the near future we will be forced to put up with it not only as the structure organising the flow of information, but also as an independent political agent with its own political interest, organization structure and interests directed at the processes of political decision- making, and not at the elucidation of those processes via the channels of information. In this way the mass media is changing and turning from a structure that represents the views and positions of the public into a structure that represents public interest in relation to power. It is becoming the key instrument in the organisation of political life and rendering meaning to it. At the same time the activity of the mass media arrests and paralyses the activity of the individual. People could themselves find out what the mass media provides, but at a considerably higher cost in time, energy and money. Thus the mass media deprives us of the will to learn and act independently. [.]

The article attempts to show how the role of the mass media is changing in the field of politics today: it is no longer the institution that informs society or provides us with values and norms of behaviour and understanding, but itself becomes a political and ideological agent that exists in parallel with the political parties, competes with them and attempts to replace them in the political field. In modern society, the ideological expansion is only possible as media expansion. For this reason political parties or their ideologies compete today not only among themselves, but are also forced to compete with the mass media as a political power with an ideology of its own. Although it is hard to define (which is characteristic of the political structure of postmodern times), it influence on the society, its preferences in politics, and its choices of values is intensive and effective. As the mass media perceives its power and its new political and ideological opportunities, in the near future we will be forced to put up with it not only as the structure organising the flow of information, but also as an independent political agent with its own political interest, organization structure and interests directed at the processes of political decision- making, and not at the elucidation of those processes via the channels of information. In this way the mass media is changing and turning from a structure that represents the views and positions of the public into a structure that represents public interest in relation to power. It is becoming the key instrument in the organisation of political life and rendering meaning to it. At the same time the activity of the mass media arrests and paralyses the activity of the individual. People could themselves find out what the mass media provides, but at a considerably higher cost in time, energy and money. Thus the mass media deprives us of the will to learn and act independently. [.]

The article attempts to show how the role of the mass media is changing in the field of politics today: it is no longer the institution that informs society or provides us with values and norms of behaviour and understanding, but itself becomes a political and ideological agent that exists in parallel with the political parties, competes with them and attempts to replace them in the political field. In modern society, the ideological expansion is only possible as media expansion. For this reason political parties or their ideologies compete today not only among themselves, but are also forced to compete with the mass media as a political power with an ideology of its own. Although it is hard to define (which is characteristic of the political structure of postmodern times), it influence on the society, its preferences in politics, and its choices of values is intensive and effective. As the mass media perceives its power and its new political and ideological opportunities, in the near future we will be forced to put up with it not only as the structure organising the flow of information, but also as an independent political agent with its own political interest, organization structure and interests directed at the processes of political decision- making, and not at the elucidation of those processes via the channels of information. In this way the mass media is changing and turning from a structure that represents the views and positions of the public into a structure that represents public interest in relation to power. It is becoming the key instrument in the organisation of political life and rendering meaning to it. At the same time the activity of the mass media arrests and paralyses the activity of the individual. People could themselves find out what the mass media provides, but at a considerably higher cost in time, energy and money. Thus the mass media deprives us of the will to learn and act independently. [.]

The Biafra war as an event offers a variety of angles from which it could be analysed, though this topic, apart from the dimensions of genocide or humanitarian crises, has never been much in the interest of scholars. On the one hand, it could be related to the lack of real facts as many figures and stories were fabricated during the war; on the other hand, as John K. Wa'Njogu would say, any story from Africa is not interesting if it is not an exceptional and aberrational news level. However, there have been several partly related articles about mass communication, propaganda and public relations during the Biafra war, but most of them have been taking the Western point of view, at the same time misjudging the role of the Biafran leader Ojukwu and his input in forming the propaganda apparatus by using approved propaganda guidelines from the West and adapting it to local realities. According to Scot Macdonald, the Biafra war was a war of images fought in the court of public opinion, which was won by Biafra, though the war was lost in the military and political arena. Ojukwu fairly quickly recognized the importance of controlling information and the power of messages delivered via mass communication channels, while Nigerian officials had never fully grasped the importance of this coverage. Therefore, Ojukwu built a team from local and Western professional propagandists and PR specialists whose main task was to find a proper angle of propaganda that could help to win this asymmetric war. The first attempts to use political emancipation of the oppressed people, religious, pogrom and genocide angles had limited success, but the image of starving and dying children was a very new angle, which, with the help of mass communication, helped to deliver the message to a much broader public arena. [.]

The Biafra war as an event offers a variety of angles from which it could be analysed, though this topic, apart from the dimensions of genocide or humanitarian crises, has never been much in the interest of scholars. On the one hand, it could be related to the lack of real facts as many figures and stories were fabricated during the war; on the other hand, as John K. Wa'Njogu would say, any story from Africa is not interesting if it is not an exceptional and aberrational news level. However, there have been several partly related articles about mass communication, propaganda and public relations during the Biafra war, but most of them have been taking the Western point of view, at the same time misjudging the role of the Biafran leader Ojukwu and his input in forming the propaganda apparatus by using approved propaganda guidelines from the West and adapting it to local realities. According to Scot Macdonald, the Biafra war was a war of images fought in the court of public opinion, which was won by Biafra, though the war was lost in the military and political arena. Ojukwu fairly quickly recognized the importance of controlling information and the power of messages delivered via mass communication channels, while Nigerian officials had never fully grasped the importance of this coverage. Therefore, Ojukwu built a team from local and Western professional propagandists and PR specialists whose main task was to find a proper angle of propaganda that could help to win this asymmetric war. The first attempts to use political emancipation of the oppressed people, religious, pogrom and genocide angles had limited success, but the image of starving and dying children was a very new angle, which, with the help of mass communication, helped to deliver the message to a much broader public arena. [.]