The nearly universal access to higher education (HE) in developed countries was once praised as a great democratic achievement, and a basis for both economic development and social mobility. After the onset of the 2008 recession, the narratives changed considerably. The most radical critics of HE propose a partial "deschooling" of society by reversing the process of massification. This paper aims to present a critical discourse analysis (CAD) of the "don't go to college" discourse that became popular in Poland and the United States. I trace the differences in the way the decision to go to college is conceptualized in Poland and the U.S to the differences in dominant political ideologies – democratic and egalitarian in the U.S., paternalistic and conservative in Poland. I also show how recent changes in the actual HE systems put those ideologies at odds with the educational realities of both countries. ; Uniwersalizację dostępu do wykształcenia wyższego uznawano za wielkie osiągnięcie krajów demokratycznych, podstawę dla ich rozwoju gospodarczego i społecznej ruchliwości. Ostatnie lata przyniosły jednak znaczą zmianę w treści narracji dotyczących szkół wyższych. Najbardziej radykalne formy krytyki zawierają sugestię, że konieczne jest dokonanie częściowego "odszkolnienia" społeczeństwa przez cofnięcie procesów umasowienia.Celem tego artykułu jest przedstawienie wyników krytycznej analizy dyskursu (KAD) odszkolnienia na podstawie źródeł pochodzących z USA i Polski. Zastosowanie KAD pozwala mi pokazać, jak te, z pozoru podobne, narracje mają u swych podstaw dwie przeciwstawne ideologie polityczne – liberalny indywidualizmu w wypadku USA i konserwatywny paternalizm w Polsce. Wskazuję też, w jaki sposób rzeczywista sytuacja absolwentów szkół wyższych stawia w wątpliwość racjonalność prognoz i planów formułowanych w obu odmianach analizowanego dyskursu.
The validity of mediation in the dispute promoted in the mass media as an example of government awareness campaign: You have the right to mediationAlternative dispute resolution (ADR) are becoming increasingly popular. One of the methods of ADR are mediations. They consist in making an attempt to reach a settlement or a mutually satisfactory resolution of a conflict through mediation – a third party, which is neutral towards all parties and subject of the conflict, designed to help work out a compromise. The survey conducted by the Ministry of Justice proved that mediation is not very well known by the Poles. The main reason for the lack of interest in this method of dispute resolution is insufficient knowledge among justice practitioners and the general public. In the absence of sufficient knowledge, lack of social acceptance for the extra-judicial settlement of disputes is also apparent. The Ministry of Justice decided to change this state in the government of PO in late 2011 and 2012, emphasizing the importance of this problem with a national, educational and informational social campaign, which circulated in the mass media and was entitled: You have the right to mediation.
On the basis of the analysis of news content from 2008 to 2012, we describe in this article the tendencies of Czech media in dealing with foreign policy topics, using a combination of quantitative content analysis and qualitative case studies of selected foreign policy events. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses demonstrate that the coverage of political events in the media is highly personalised and viewed through the prism of the personal or political interests of Czech political elites and the conflicts between them. As concerns the diversity of the actors presented and topics covered, the Czech media produce a considerably restricted and more or less uniform stream of news commented upon by a relatively limited spectrum of actors, mainly Czech politicians. For non-political, non-governmental, and international actors, access to the debate is considerably limited. The print media tends to present major political events as power-based conflicts between individuals or groups, rather than as negotiations about public affairs supported by substantive arguments. In effect, Habermas's classical vision of the role of mass media in democracy, which is to promote rational discussion as a desirable form of public debate, is replaced with persuasion through emotional appeal, which has been widely criticised. At the same time, however, some theoretical traditions see it more positively as a less restrictive form of public discourse. ; On the basis of the analysis of news content from 2008 to 2012, we describe in this article the tendencies of Czech media in dealing with foreign policy topics, using a combination of quantitative content analysis and qualitative case studies of selected foreign policy events. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses demonstrate that the coverage of political events in the media is highly personalised and viewed through the prism of the personal or political interests of Czech political elites and the conflicts between them. As concerns the diversity of the actors presented and ...
Since the 1960s, voting behaviour in advanced democratic states has undergone substantial changes. From this period, the transformation of social structures, increased education, and the expansion of new technologies in the field of mass media, among other things, are evident. The transformation factors that affect the voter and his choice are sooner or later reflected in new theoretical concepts describing electoral behaviour, whether it was the theory of party identification, voter choice based on issues or rational choice. So far, however, none of the theories have adequately reflected the effect of consumer-style thinking on electoral behaviour. A new trend in political marketing – political branding – aims to correct precisely this deficiency. Due to the fact that the relevant research in the field of political branding and its impact on the voting behaviour of individuals is still in its infancy, we are faced with a lack of robust theoretical foundations. The text thus aims to clarify this situation by gathering and analysing existing branding concepts, pointing to their strengths and weaknesses. Also, it contributes to the theoretical discussion by linking research on political branding to existing theories of voting behaviour, asking whether the related branding concepts are able to explain the voting behaviour of voters as well as whether they are open to further amendments and modifications. ; Since the 1960s, voting behaviour in advanced democratic states has undergone substantial changes. From this period, the transformation of social structures, increased education, and the expansion of new technologies in the field of mass media, among other things, are evident. The transformation factors that affect the voter and his choice are sooner or later reflected in new theoretical concepts describing electoral behaviour, whether it was the theory of party identification, voter choice based on issues or rational choice. So far, however, none of the theories have adequately reflected the effect of ...
The article focuses on the national dimensions of the EU communication policy in Sweden, Finland and Denmark. The cornerstone of the EU communication policy is the dialogue with citizens about the policies and the future of the EU. It is based on openness, transparency and accountability which greatly contribute to building citizens' trust in the authorities' activity. EU communication policy is realized through e-governance, language policy and the policy in the sphere of mass media. The aim of the article is to analyze the experience and best practices of top 3 EU countries (Sweden, Finland and Denmark) in terms of the assessment of national policies in the field of ICT and digital skills of citizens in the sphere of communication policy. The hypothesis is that these states being the leaders as to citizens' digital literacy have introduced efficient channels of involving citizens in the decision making process.
The article focuses on the national dimensions of the EU communication policy in Sweden, Finland and Denmark. The cornerstone of the EU communication policy is the dialogue with citizens about the policies and the future of the EU. It is based on openness, transparency and accountability which greatly contribute to building citizens' trust in the authorities' activity. EU communication policy is realized through e-governance, language policy and the policy in the sphere of mass media. The aim of the article is to analyze the experience and best practices of top 3 EU countries (Sweden, Finland and Denmark) in terms of the assessment of national policies in the field of ICT and digital skills of citizens in the sphere of communication policy. The hypothesis is that these states being the leaders as to citizens' digital literacy have introduced efficient channels of involving citizens in the decision making process.
The discussion about mutual relations between the media and politics in democracy is going on for years. One of the key issues in this debate is the impact of media on political choices and political part icipation of citizens. Last years we are observing signifi cant changes in the ways of presenting content by political actors, especially in the media. New media syst em ecology requires creativity both in political communication creating and analyzing it. One of the interest ing paradigm of this kind of analysis is gamifi cation. Th is article aims is to find out how gamifi cation elements are currently used in the practice of journalism and how the gamified schemes of political broadcast talk have the potential to st rengthen the democratic and civic purposes of journalism. The authors of this art icle are inclined to the idea that convergence between politics and popular culture can have also a positive effect for the implementation of democratic practices and civil society. And gamification creates an interest ing paradigm for underst anding political reality in terms of fun and entert ainment (according to the threat of tabloidization). Observing the dynamics of broadcast journalism it can be seen that even they can be analyzed in terms of gamifi cation mechanisms – the roles adopted by the journalist s and guest s are functional in the logic of the game. Th e prize (viewers' attention) is evident for both groups, and interactions run more oft en in ways that allow them to gain dominance and 'win' the interaction. Th e authors analyze the behavior of journalist s conducting the TV affairs programs through the scheme of roles taken in the game (according to Richard Bart le typology: achievers, explorers, socializers, killers). The test is made using quantitative and qualitative measures. ; TOMASZ Gackowski
The primary objective of this article is to pay attention to the dominant nature of the paradigm of heteronormativity which makes it impossible for the internally diversified population of the United States to develop and manifest sexual identities that are not consistent with the images of a man and a woman established already in the colonial period. In spite of the development of societies based on the principles of democracy and broadly understood tolerance, there are still some individuals who are socially and culturally marginalized in the sanctioned pubic order, and the very idea of heteronormativity invariably determines desirable patterns of conduct. The necessity to revise the time-honored standards regulating the sexual and romantic lives of both individuals and groups is highlighted by the analysis of stereotypes concerning the members of the Hispanic minority in the United States of America. It is shown that the practices employed in everyday life which are repeated in literature, movies and mass media contribute to perpetuating the existent divisions leading to further conflicts. The problem of relations occurring between Eurocentric and religious values, on the one hand, and the plurality of forms of masculinity and femininity, on the other, is juxtaposed here with one more issue, i.e. racial relations, which have been repeatedly used to justify acts of discrimination and maintain the policy of hegemony. What is more, the article indicates that the change of the existing policy can be effected by the change of factors accompanying the process of upbringing which could function as the corrective measures leading to the acknowledgement of potential "otherness" of fellow citizens.
The primary objective of this article is to pay attention to the dominant nature of the paradigm of heteronormativity which makes it impossible for the internally diversified population of the United States to develop and manifest sexual identities that are not consistent with the images of a man and a woman established already in the colonial period. In spite of the development of societies based on the principles of democracy and broadly understood tolerance, there are still some individuals who are socially and culturally marginalized in the sanctioned pubic order, and the very idea of heteronormativity invariably determines desirable patterns of conduct. The necessity to revise the time-honored standards regulating the sexual and romantic lives of both individuals and groups is highlighted by the analysis of stereotypes concerning the members of the Hispanic minority in the United States of America. It is shown that the practices employed in everyday life which are repeated in literature, movies and mass media contribute to perpetuating the existent divisions leading to further conflicts. The problem of relations occurring between Eurocentric and religious values, on the one hand, and the plurality of forms of masculinity and femininity, on the other, is juxtaposed here with one more issue, i.e. racial relations, which have been repeatedly used to justify acts of discrimination and maintain the policy of hegemony. What is more, the article indicates that the change of the existing policy can be effected by the change of factors accompanying the process of upbringing which could function as the corrective measures leading to the acknowledgement of potential "otherness" of fellow citizens.
The chief purpose of BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale, and Voice of America in the Context of International Communication: From Propaganda to Public Diplomacy is to analyse the role radio stations fulfil for international communication nowadays in the light of the roles they served in the past (that is, the times when radio dominated). During the interwar period and right before World War II, new radio stations came to being that aimed at broadcasting content targeted at the listeners abroad. Initially, these radio stations were transmitting mostly official messages or functioning as private point-to-point communication; in both cases, they functioned similarly to telegraphs (assuming one addresser and one addressee). Along with not only the development of the transmitting and receiving devices but also the widening of our knowledge on radio waves, radio turned into a mass medium, thanks to various "freaks," including investors and other radio lovers. Having access to the network of correspondents and a powerful radio signal, radio stations back then were able to provide live coverage of the events that interested listeners all around the globe. The capacities of radio were significant during World War II as well; precisely, it ceased to serve communication purposes exclusively, and was included into military arsenal (used not only in operations and diversion actions, but also for jamming and scouting). This military conflict showed that the possibility of reaching listeners abroad – that is, the citizens of adversary, allied, and neutral states – had been of enormous importance, whereas the ability of shaping the opinions of foreign citizens had become a crucial part of contemporary warfare. The relevance of radio for international communication was indisputable also during the Cold War. Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty, Voice of America, BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale, Deutsche Welle, Radio Madrid, Radio Moskwa, and Radio China International were fundamentally engaged in both ideological war and public diplomacy. Simultaneously, various international processes changed the position radio occupied among other media; the "Golden Age of Radio" reached a significant decline in the 1950s, when the dominance of radio gave way to the advent of television, whereas from late 1990s on the situation of all media was revolutionised by the birth of the Internet. As a result, digitalisation, convergence, shifts in reception and use of media – not to mention other broader phenomena, including the dominance of audiovisual culture – affected not only listeners and their preferences (inclining to fragmented radio programmes), but also ratings and marketability of radio stations. Finally, since political communication has privileged the audiovisual paradigm, and domestic policy has gradually become a media issue, radio has withdrawn in this area as well, giving primacy to television and new media. Because of the aforementioned factors and shifts, it becomes vital to carefully reconsider the contemporary and international status of radio. After all, one might be tempted to think that radio is no longer in its heyday, whereas both governments and individual listeners do not deem it as a genuine informative medium or a means capable of reaching the foreign public opinion. This book, therefore, explores how Radio France Internationale, Voice of America, and BBC World Service changed diachronically in reference to other radio stations alike, points to rules they follow and formats their programmes take, and analyses their recent activity in international communication between 2014 and 2018. Chapter 1 introduces theoretical vocabulary international communication relies on, and juxtaposes its various definitions with related cultural phenomena, including transcultural communication, political communication, propaganda, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, media diplomacy, and soft power. Aside from analysing these concepts, this chapter also proposes an innovative definition of international communication and its graphic model. Chapter 2 is diachronic, and it focuses on the discovery of radio waves and the invention of radio read from the technical perspective, which determines the position of radio for international communication. Moreover, the early forms of radio are recalled with regard to their significance for foreign communication. Finally, the development of radio and broadcasting in France, United Kingdom, and the USA is presented with an emphasis put on the differences between their broadcasting models. Chapter 3 is devoted to the development of international broadcasting, dividing it into three stages: 1) the early 20th century (until the 1930s), when radio waves were being tested, the first experimental stations came to being, and first international radio stations were founded, including those in Nauen and Zessen (Germany), Sainte-Assise and Le Post Colonial (France), Eindhoven and Heuzen (Netherlands), Chelmsford (United Kingdom); 2) the World War II period, in which the uses of radio for international military communication are analysed in reference to propaganda radio stations (Radio Berlin, Radio Hamburg, Radio Stuttgart, Radio Tokio) and its prominent figures (William Joyce ("Lord Haw-Haw"), Paul Ferdonnet ("the Stuttgart Traitor"), Mildred Gillars ("Axis Sally"), Ive Togure ("Tokyo Rose")), British pirate radio stations functioning in response to the Axis propaganda (for instance, Gustav Siegfried Eins), the radio stations of French Resistance with a special emphasis put on Radio Brazzaville, that is, Charles de Gaulle's chief means of international communication, and, finally, Voice of America serving for public diplomacy purposes; 3) the Cold War period, in which the objectives, assumptions, and strategies of international broadcasting posed by France, United Kingdom, the United States of America between 1945 and late 1980s are examined. The last chapter is entirely dedicated to BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale and Voice of America nowadays, paying attention to their regulations, structures, and broadcasting services. These radio stations are understood as means used for public diplomacy of their countries, and their institutional and formal connections to government institutions are discussed. Consequently, this comparative chapter refers to the legal contexts, supported by acts and regulations of a given country, presents the principles and levels of funding, reconstructs the institutional positions of radio among other media, and characterises broadcasting in terms of services, directions, and programmes. The analysis of contemporary strategies and activities of the discussed radio stations makes it possible to claim that the use of radio for international communication has not lost its relevance, and currently is supported with television and the Internet, that is, the media that were invented later in the course of historical progress. Radio stations, therefore, are not held in media bubbles; rather, they are still significant means of foreign communication because of their specificities. Furthermore, radio communication complies with strategic foreign policies, which affects various parts of the world where levels of technological development diverge whilst the access to television or the Internet connection is not available. In the countries stricken with military conflicts or poverty, radio is still the predominant means of communication that serves numerous purposes; not only is it a source of information on military operations, epidemiological situations, climate and natural disasters, but also it educates its listeners on civil and human rights, especially women's rights. Finally, Voice of America, BBC World Service, and Radio France Internationale support policies against extremism and propaganda (for instance, fake news). The services of the discussed radio stations are related to the policies the United States of America, United Kingdom, and France put forward against ISIL and international terrorism, but also to those actions that support democratic changes in the countries affected by war and political unrest.
Artykuł jest krytycznym spojrzeniem na współpracę w dziedzinie wspólnego zwalczaniaterroryzmu przez USA i UE. Poruszono w nim najważniejsze kwestie, które stanowią rzeczywiste przeszkody we współpracy obu podmiotów, w przeciwdziałaniu terroryzmowi od początku realizacji przez administrację USA projektu politycznego nazwanego GWOT. Publikacja ma zwrócić uwagę na kwestie rzadko poruszane w głównym nurcie publicystycznym oraz naukowym, które kolidują z zimnowojennym paradygmatem transatlantyckiej wspólnoty wartości. Artykuł ukazuje wyzwania do przezwyciężenia, pomimo politycznych deklaracji przyjmowanych na szczytach USA/UE. Rozważania oparto o teksty Źródłowe, aby odbiorca móga samodzielnie skonfrontowaæ zasadność stawianych tez z innymi poglądami funkcjonujacymi w literaturze, dotyczacymi GWOT i współpracy w tym zakresie między USA i UE. Publikacja ma równiez zwrócić uwagę na przekaz medialny występujący w środkach publicznych masowego przekazu (szczególnie w Polsce), które ze względu na zaangazowanie władz polskich w GWOT z rzadka poruszają niepoprawne politycznie tematy. Artykuł ma za zadanie skłonić domdalszej pogłêbionej refleksji nad rozwojem GWOT oraz dalszymi perspektywami współpracymUSA i UE w dziedzinie zwalczania terroryzmu. Artykuł jest wyrazem opinii jego autora, nie stanowiska instytucji, którą reprezentuje. ; The article takes a critical viewpoint on the shared co-operation in the area of fighting terrorism by the USAand the EU. The most important issues are raised, which constitute real obstacles in the co-operation of both subjects, in the counteracting the terrorism since the beginning of the political project's realization by administration of the USA, the political project called GWOT. The publication points out issues only occasionally raised in the journalistic and scientific mainstream, which collide with the cold-war paradigm of the transatlantic community of values. The article aims to raise awareness of the challenges, despite political declarations consistently accepted during the USA/EU summits. The Narrations are based on international documents, so that a recipient could confront independently the legitimacy of proposed theses with other existing in the literature articles, articles concerningGWOTand co-operation in the scope of the USA and EU. The publication points out the modus operandi of the mass media (especially in Poland), which on account of Polish authorities involvement in GWOT, very occasionally raise the politically incorrect subjects. The article aims to generate further detailed reflection on GWOT's evolution and the further co-operation of the USA and UE in the area of fighting terrorism.
Artykuł jest krytycznym spojrzeniem na współpracę w dziedzinie wspólnego zwalczania terroryzmu przez USA i UE. Poruszono w nim najważniejsze kwestie, które stanowił rzeczywiste przeszkody we współpracy obu podmiotów, w przeciwdziałaniu terroryzmowi od początku realizacji przez administrację USA projektu politycznego nazwanego GWOT. Publikacja ma zwrócić uwagę na kwestie rzadko poruszane w głównym nurcie publicystycznym oraz naukowym, , które kolidują z zimnowojennym paradygmatem transatlantyckiej wspólnoty wartości. Artykuł ukazuje wyzwania do przezwyciężenia, pomimo politycznych deklaracji przyjmowanych na szczytach USA/UE. Rozważania oparto o teksty źródłowe, aby odbiorca mógł samodzielnie skonfrontować zasadność stawianych tez z innymi poglądami funkcjonującymi w literaturze, dotyczącymi GWOT i współpracy w tym zakresie między USA i UE. Publikacja ma również zwrócić uwagę na przekaz medialny występujący w środkach publicznych masowego przekazu (szczególnie w Polsce), które ze względu na zaangażowanie władz polskich w GWOT z rzadka poruszają niepoprawne politycznie tematy. Artykuł ma za zadanie skłonić do dalszej pogłębionej refleksji nad rozwojem GWOT oraz dalszymi perspektywami współpracy USA i UE w dziedzinie zwalczania terroryzmu. Artykuł jest wyrazem opinii jego autora, nie stanowiska instytucji, którą reprezentuje. ; The article takes a critical viewpoint on the shared co-operation in the area of fighting terrorism by the USA and the EU. The most important issues are raised, which constitute real obstacles in the co-operation of both subjects, in the counteracting the terrorism since the beginning of the political project's realization by administration of the USA, the political project called GWOT. The publication points out issues only occasionally raised in the journalistic and scientific mainstream, which collide with the cold-war paradigm of the transatlantic community of values. The article aims to raise awareness of the challenges, despite political declarations consistently accepted during the USA/EU summits. The Narrations are based on international documents, so that a recipient could confront independently the legitimacy of proposed theses with other existing in the literature articles, articles concerning GWOT and co-operation in the scope of the USA and EU. The publication points out the modus operandi of the mass media (especially in Poland), which on account of Polish authorities involvement in GWOT, very occasionally raise the politically incorrect subjects. The article aims to generate further detailed reflection on GWOT's evolution and the further co-operation of the USA and UE in the area of fighting terrorism.
This book aims at revealing the trends of development of the spoken Polish language in Lithuania and drawing attention to the impact of the Russian, Lithuanian and Belarusian languages on contemporary Polish which is currently used in Lithuania. Based on the results of observing the formal and informal use of the Polish language in a public space as well as in private the publication presents a socio-linguistic approach regarding the issues concerning the language culture. The greatest focus falls on the elimination of the most frequent mistakes penetrating the formal speaking. The didactic teaching resource has been developed based on the programme of contemporary advanced Polish and it is designed for students studying humanitarian sciences in Vilnius University and those who are concerned with correctness of the Polish language. The book consists of theoretical and practical parts; the material of the latter is divided into 12 topics. Each topic is finished with self-control tasks which may be used by students for testing their knowledge and skills. The reference list is provided at the very end of the publication. The fact that Polish is primarily used as the spoken language in Lithuania is taken into consideration in the thesis. The Poles use the Polish language in a private environment, they use it for communication with family members (especially with people of older generations). The language is also used in informal situations in a public space, i.e. when communicating with neighbours and acquaintances. In the latter case other languages are used as well. Almost all Poles residing in Lithuania know three languages (Lithuanian, Russian and Polish); "the new Polish intellectuals" (Kurzowa 1992: 131) speak standard Polish at home. The goal of the lectures is to promote the language culture and linguistic self-awareness as it will influence further linguistic changes. The analysis focuses on lexical changes which have been taking place during the last decades in the language of Lithuanian Polish intellectuals. Linguistic processes which are taking place are similar to the development of the standard Polish language (new terms for economic, political, educational and cultural phenomena emerge, new connotations are attributed to the words); nevertheless, specific features of the Polish language used in Lithuania remain and the development itself is slower. The quality of said changes depends on the impact made by Lithuanian and Russian languages, new words corresponding with the Lithuanian realia are created, new borrowings from Lithuanian and Russian appear, dialecticisms are used as well as linguistic elements of social varieties. The interferential lexis is characteristic of many phraseological novelties related to phenomena of the social and economic nature. Many officially used phraseological novelties have a colloquial connotation; the stylistic and expressive evaluation of the contemporary Polish language are thus neutralised, for instance, stylistic and linguistic means, which do not correspond with the standards of the official language, namely colloquial words, abbreviations, dialecticisms and expressive borrowings, may be observed in mass media. Lectures promote the culture of the Polish language, since the knowledge of the standard Polish language would allow understanding the rapidly changing contemporary Polish culture and participating in the dialogue between Poland and Lithuania.
This book aims at revealing the trends of development of the spoken Polish language in Lithuania and drawing attention to the impact of the Russian, Lithuanian and Belarusian languages on contemporary Polish which is currently used in Lithuania. Based on the results of observing the formal and informal use of the Polish language in a public space as well as in private the publication presents a socio-linguistic approach regarding the issues concerning the language culture. The greatest focus falls on the elimination of the most frequent mistakes penetrating the formal speaking. The didactic teaching resource has been developed based on the programme of contemporary advanced Polish and it is designed for students studying humanitarian sciences in Vilnius University and those who are concerned with correctness of the Polish language. The book consists of theoretical and practical parts; the material of the latter is divided into 12 topics. Each topic is finished with self-control tasks which may be used by students for testing their knowledge and skills. The reference list is provided at the very end of the publication. The fact that Polish is primarily used as the spoken language in Lithuania is taken into consideration in the thesis. The Poles use the Polish language in a private environment, they use it for communication with family members (especially with people of older generations). The language is also used in informal situations in a public space, i.e. when communicating with neighbours and acquaintances. In the latter case other languages are used as well. Almost all Poles residing in Lithuania know three languages (Lithuanian, Russian and Polish); "the new Polish intellectuals" (Kurzowa 1992: 131) speak standard Polish at home. The goal of the lectures is to promote the language culture and linguistic self-awareness as it will influence further linguistic changes. The analysis focuses on lexical changes which have been taking place during the last decades in the language of Lithuanian Polish intellectuals. Linguistic processes which are taking place are similar to the development of the standard Polish language (new terms for economic, political, educational and cultural phenomena emerge, new connotations are attributed to the words); nevertheless, specific features of the Polish language used in Lithuania remain and the development itself is slower. The quality of said changes depends on the impact made by Lithuanian and Russian languages, new words corresponding with the Lithuanian realia are created, new borrowings from Lithuanian and Russian appear, dialecticisms are used as well as linguistic elements of social varieties. The interferential lexis is characteristic of many phraseological novelties related to phenomena of the social and economic nature. Many officially used phraseological novelties have a colloquial connotation; the stylistic and expressive evaluation of the contemporary Polish language are thus neutralised, for instance, stylistic and linguistic means, which do not correspond with the standards of the official language, namely colloquial words, abbreviations, dialecticisms and expressive borrowings, may be observed in mass media. Lectures promote the culture of the Polish language, since the knowledge of the standard Polish language would allow understanding the rapidly changing contemporary Polish culture and participating in the dialogue between Poland and Lithuania.
Polska w 2004 roku stała się członkiem Unii Europejskiej. W tym samym roku minęło 35 lat od powołania Komitetu Prognoz "Polska 2000 Plus" przy Prezydium PAN. Z tej okazji odbyła się konferencja naukowa, której rezultatem jest wydawnictwo pt. Polska w obliczu wyzwań przyszłości. Jest ono inspiracją do szerszego kierowania się przez naukowców, polityków oraz ludzi innych zawodów strategicznym myśleniem o przyszłości Europy i Polski. Podstawą strategii edukacji powinny być nie tylko cele ekonomiczne i pragmatyczne, ale przede wszystkim wspólne wartości cywilizacji europejskiej, którymi według raportu Komisji Europejskiej Edukacja dla Europy są: prawa człowieka (godność osoby ludzkiej), podstawowe swobody, demokratyczna prawomocność, pokój i odrzucanie przemocy jako środka do osiągnięcia celu, poszanowanie innych ludzi, równość szans, zasady myślenia racjonalnego, ochrona ekosystemu, odpowiedzialność jednostkowa. Projekty i strategie reformy systemu edukacji MEN i MNiSW oraz Strategia Rozwoju Polski do roku 2020–2030 Komitetu Prognoz PAN zakładają zapewnie skolaryzacji na poziomie maturalnego kształcenia średniego dla ok. 80–85% populacji, a na poziomie studiów wyższych dla 40–50% populacji w przedziale wiekowym 19–24. Takie wskaźniki skolaryzacji zostały już formalnie przekroczone, teraz należy zapewnić odpowiedni poziom jakości kształcenia oraz stymulować i wspierać wybieranie deficytowych kierunków kształcenia zawodowego i wyższego oraz ustawicznego. W Polsce obserwuje się niezadowalające wykorzystanie nauk o edukacji w wypracowaniu koncepcji reform i ich wdrażaniu, czego dowodem jest niedocenianie raportów edukacyjnych oraz ekspertyz, a także nieustanne zmiany ministrów resortów edukacyjnych. Współczesna ekonomia i pedagogika określają wydatki na edukację i naukę jako "inwestycję w człowieka" i w "kapitał ludzki", które są gwarancją rozwoju kraju oraz poprawy jakości życia ludzkiego. Poważny procent kadry nauczycieli, młodzieży, szkół i uczelni oraz mass mediów może edukację i kulturę zamienić na wielki program XXI wieku. ; In 2004, Poland became a Member State of the European Union. It was 35 years since the Forecasting Committee "Poland 2000 Plus" was appointed at the presidium of the Polish Academy of Sciences (Polish: PAN). On that occasion, a scientific conference took place, the result of which was the publication entitled Poland in the Face of the Challenges of the Future. It has become an inspiration for scientists, politicians and other professionals to adopt more strategic thinking about the future of Europe and Poland. The basis of the educational strategy should not only be economic and pragmatic objectives, but most of all, common values of the European civilisation. According to the Report of the European Commission Education for Europe, among these values, there are human rights (human dignity), fundamental freedoms, democratic legitimacy, peace, rejection of violence as a means to an end, respecting others, equal opportunities, principles of rational thinking, protection for the ecosystem and individual accountability. The policies and projects of the educational system reform of the Ministry of National Education (Polish: MEN) and Ministry of Science and Higher Education (Polish: MNiSW) as well as the Development Strategy of Poland until 2020–2030 of the Forecasting Committee aim to provide schooling at secondary school level with matriculation examination for about 80–85% of the population, at higher education level for 40–50% of the population aged 19–24. These schooling indicators have formally been exceeded. Presently, it is necessary to provide the good quality of education and to encourage students to choose deficit professional training courses, higher education as well as lifelong learning. In Poland, it can be observed that education sciences are unsatisfactorily used in developing reform concepts and in their implementation as demonstrated by underestimating educational reports and expertises, as well as constant changes of education ministers. Contemporary economy and pedagogy refer to the expenses on education as "investment in human" and "human capital", which guarantee the development of a country and of the quality of life. A significant proportion of teachers, young people, schools and universities as well as the mass media may change education and culture into a great program of the 21st century.
