The nearly universal access to higher education (HE) in developed countries was once praised as a great democratic achievement, and a basis for both economic development and social mobility. After the onset of the 2008 recession, the narratives changed considerably. The most radical critics of HE propose a partial "deschooling" of society by reversing the process of massification. This paper aims to present a critical discourse analysis (CAD) of the "don't go to college" discourse that became popular in Poland and the United States. I trace the differences in the way the decision to go to college is conceptualized in Poland and the U.S to the differences in dominant political ideologies – democratic and egalitarian in the U.S., paternalistic and conservative in Poland. I also show how recent changes in the actual HE systems put those ideologies at odds with the educational realities of both countries. ; Uniwersalizację dostępu do wykształcenia wyższego uznawano za wielkie osiągnięcie krajów demokratycznych, podstawę dla ich rozwoju gospodarczego i społecznej ruchliwości. Ostatnie lata przyniosły jednak znaczą zmianę w treści narracji dotyczących szkół wyższych. Najbardziej radykalne formy krytyki zawierają sugestię, że konieczne jest dokonanie częściowego "odszkolnienia" społeczeństwa przez cofnięcie procesów umasowienia.Celem tego artykułu jest przedstawienie wyników krytycznej analizy dyskursu (KAD) odszkolnienia na podstawie źródeł pochodzących z USA i Polski. Zastosowanie KAD pozwala mi pokazać, jak te, z pozoru podobne, narracje mają u swych podstaw dwie przeciwstawne ideologie polityczne – liberalny indywidualizmu w wypadku USA i konserwatywny paternalizm w Polsce. Wskazuję też, w jaki sposób rzeczywista sytuacja absolwentów szkół wyższych stawia w wątpliwość racjonalność prognoz i planów formułowanych w obu odmianach analizowanego dyskursu.
The validity of mediation in the dispute promoted in the mass media as an example of government awareness campaign: You have the right to mediationAlternative dispute resolution (ADR) are becoming increasingly popular. One of the methods of ADR are mediations. They consist in making an attempt to reach a settlement or a mutually satisfactory resolution of a conflict through mediation – a third party, which is neutral towards all parties and subject of the conflict, designed to help work out a compromise. The survey conducted by the Ministry of Justice proved that mediation is not very well known by the Poles. The main reason for the lack of interest in this method of dispute resolution is insufficient knowledge among justice practitioners and the general public. In the absence of sufficient knowledge, lack of social acceptance for the extra-judicial settlement of disputes is also apparent. The Ministry of Justice decided to change this state in the government of PO in late 2011 and 2012, emphasizing the importance of this problem with a national, educational and informational social campaign, which circulated in the mass media and was entitled: You have the right to mediation.
At the centre of this study lies one of the critical questions faced by (late-)modern society, namely that of taking care of the long-lived radioactive waste from nuclear power production. The problems of nuclear waste management are pictured as embracing a complex web of essential issues for society today, in terms of both its capacities and its shortcomings – so called core issues. The principal aim of the thesis is to examine the nuclear waste discourse in Malå, Västerbotten, from a critical discourse analytical perspective, through applying the approach developed by Michel Foucault in The Order of Discourse. During the 1990s, the municipality of Malå played a prominent role as a candidate site for the geological disposal of Sweden's spent nuclear fuel. A five-year process culminated in a local referendum on whether detailed site investigations should be permitted within the community. Following the result no further investigations have been undertaken. The discourse analysis is carried out through a study of opinion formation in the municipality during the period October 1992 to October 1997. Two main types of empirical material have been collected: interviews with opinion leaders (politicians, activists, journalists, information professionals, etc.) and contemporaneous mass media content (the local newspaper and regional television news). In the empirical analysis, a review is made of the workings of the external and internal control mechanisms within the discourse; that is to say, how they serve to set limits on the content and form of the sense-making process concerning nuclear waste management. Important themes in the opinion forming process in Malå include information and expertise, opposition and legitimacy, the centre/periphery relationship and the themes of mistrust, partitioning and rejection. Among other themes identified as being marginalised or absent, one example is the Samish citizens' views on the nuclear question. Four actors play a prominent role as authors of the discourse, namely the nuclear industry, the experts, Greenpeace and the mass media. The voices of resistance groups are also significant. Representatives from authorities and civil servants were most likely to take the commentary role in the discourse, along with journalists. In the concluding analysis of the nuclear waste discourse in Malå, two main types of desire for truth, which form the discourse's main order, are identified. The stronger concerns the will to know, which places the expert with a scientific background as the principal truth-teller. The other is 'ordinary' people's desire, which influences the content and form of the opinion formation. It is also concluded that the mass media institutions play a significant role in this context, not least as mediators. Reflections on contemporary 'core issues' to which the analysis bears witness, such as the crisis of democracy, are also included. In addition, the implications of applying the Foucaultian research programme to a study of the nuclear question have been considered.
The article focuses on the national dimensions of the EU communication policy in Sweden, Finland and Denmark. The cornerstone of the EU communication policy is the dialogue with citizens about the policies and the future of the EU. It is based on openness, transparency and accountability which greatly contribute to building citizens' trust in the authorities' activity. EU communication policy is realized through e-governance, language policy and the policy in the sphere of mass media. The aim of the article is to analyze the experience and best practices of top 3 EU countries (Sweden, Finland and Denmark) in terms of the assessment of national policies in the field of ICT and digital skills of citizens in the sphere of communication policy. The hypothesis is that these states being the leaders as to citizens' digital literacy have introduced efficient channels of involving citizens in the decision making process.
The article focuses on the national dimensions of the EU communication policy in Sweden, Finland and Denmark. The cornerstone of the EU communication policy is the dialogue with citizens about the policies and the future of the EU. It is based on openness, transparency and accountability which greatly contribute to building citizens' trust in the authorities' activity. EU communication policy is realized through e-governance, language policy and the policy in the sphere of mass media. The aim of the article is to analyze the experience and best practices of top 3 EU countries (Sweden, Finland and Denmark) in terms of the assessment of national policies in the field of ICT and digital skills of citizens in the sphere of communication policy. The hypothesis is that these states being the leaders as to citizens' digital literacy have introduced efficient channels of involving citizens in the decision making process.
The discussion about mutual relations between the media and politics in democracy is going on for years. One of the key issues in this debate is the impact of media on political choices and political part icipation of citizens. Last years we are observing signifi cant changes in the ways of presenting content by political actors, especially in the media. New media syst em ecology requires creativity both in political communication creating and analyzing it. One of the interest ing paradigm of this kind of analysis is gamifi cation. Th is article aims is to find out how gamifi cation elements are currently used in the practice of journalism and how the gamified schemes of political broadcast talk have the potential to st rengthen the democratic and civic purposes of journalism. The authors of this art icle are inclined to the idea that convergence between politics and popular culture can have also a positive effect for the implementation of democratic practices and civil society. And gamification creates an interest ing paradigm for underst anding political reality in terms of fun and entert ainment (according to the threat of tabloidization). Observing the dynamics of broadcast journalism it can be seen that even they can be analyzed in terms of gamifi cation mechanisms – the roles adopted by the journalist s and guest s are functional in the logic of the game. Th e prize (viewers' attention) is evident for both groups, and interactions run more oft en in ways that allow them to gain dominance and 'win' the interaction. Th e authors analyze the behavior of journalist s conducting the TV affairs programs through the scheme of roles taken in the game (according to Richard Bart le typology: achievers, explorers, socializers, killers). The test is made using quantitative and qualitative measures. ; TOMASZ Gackowski
The primary objective of this article is to pay attention to the dominant nature of the paradigm of heteronormativity which makes it impossible for the internally diversified population of the United States to develop and manifest sexual identities that are not consistent with the images of a man and a woman established already in the colonial period. In spite of the development of societies based on the principles of democracy and broadly understood tolerance, there are still some individuals who are socially and culturally marginalized in the sanctioned pubic order, and the very idea of heteronormativity invariably determines desirable patterns of conduct. The necessity to revise the time-honored standards regulating the sexual and romantic lives of both individuals and groups is highlighted by the analysis of stereotypes concerning the members of the Hispanic minority in the United States of America. It is shown that the practices employed in everyday life which are repeated in literature, movies and mass media contribute to perpetuating the existent divisions leading to further conflicts. The problem of relations occurring between Eurocentric and religious values, on the one hand, and the plurality of forms of masculinity and femininity, on the other, is juxtaposed here with one more issue, i.e. racial relations, which have been repeatedly used to justify acts of discrimination and maintain the policy of hegemony. What is more, the article indicates that the change of the existing policy can be effected by the change of factors accompanying the process of upbringing which could function as the corrective measures leading to the acknowledgement of potential "otherness" of fellow citizens.
The primary objective of this article is to pay attention to the dominant nature of the paradigm of heteronormativity which makes it impossible for the internally diversified population of the United States to develop and manifest sexual identities that are not consistent with the images of a man and a woman established already in the colonial period. In spite of the development of societies based on the principles of democracy and broadly understood tolerance, there are still some individuals who are socially and culturally marginalized in the sanctioned pubic order, and the very idea of heteronormativity invariably determines desirable patterns of conduct. The necessity to revise the time-honored standards regulating the sexual and romantic lives of both individuals and groups is highlighted by the analysis of stereotypes concerning the members of the Hispanic minority in the United States of America. It is shown that the practices employed in everyday life which are repeated in literature, movies and mass media contribute to perpetuating the existent divisions leading to further conflicts. The problem of relations occurring between Eurocentric and religious values, on the one hand, and the plurality of forms of masculinity and femininity, on the other, is juxtaposed here with one more issue, i.e. racial relations, which have been repeatedly used to justify acts of discrimination and maintain the policy of hegemony. What is more, the article indicates that the change of the existing policy can be effected by the change of factors accompanying the process of upbringing which could function as the corrective measures leading to the acknowledgement of potential "otherness" of fellow citizens.
The author suggests that the research for new methods in the political science in the USA, Which broadly use the concept of systems analysis, realy came into prominence after the Second World War. The impetus for it involved both theoretical and practical considerations. Three of these seem to be of particular importance. First, it became necessary to attempt to explain in some objective manner the failure of "democracy", and the rise of authoritarian political institutions in Germany during the inter-war period. Second, the rise of socialist countries in Europe. Third, the creation of new states in Asia and Africa, as a result of failure of the colonial empires. The first important presentation of systems approach in political science in the USA was made by David Easton. He was primarily concerned with portraying the relationships between a system and the environment in which it was located. He directed attention to the boundary between politics and other aspects of social life, and, postulated the existence of close relationship between the system and environment. Applying systems analysis to (political science, some researchers have developed lists of political functional requisites. One such list war developed by Gabriel Almond, who divides it into four input, and three output functions. The Gabriel Almond's attitudes to the systems analysis is strongly functional oriented. Heapplied the basic Talcott Parsons thesis to the political science considerations. Other scholar, K. W. Deutsch, presents systems analysis in a cybernetic framework. Political systems, from his point of view, are the self-controling, and self-organyzing communication net. Deutsch, however, does not limit his concern to the communication of information; in addition he wants to apply communication theory to the political decision making process, to the role and relative weight of mass media, compared with past memories, stereotypes and other media, and to areas of attetjon, perception and orientation, values and evaluation, goal-seeking, and decision making. The author stresses the fact that, as a scientific method, systems analysis concept, is nolt well developed yet. However, it presents a good background for interdisciplinary research of political institution in action. On the other hand, it cannot be tracted as a universal tool for analyzing all political phenomena. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The chief purpose of BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale, and Voice of America in the Context of International Communication: From Propaganda to Public Diplomacy is to analyse the role radio stations fulfil for international communication nowadays in the light of the roles they served in the past (that is, the times when radio dominated). During the interwar period and right before World War II, new radio stations came to being that aimed at broadcasting content targeted at the listeners abroad. Initially, these radio stations were transmitting mostly official messages or functioning as private point-to-point communication; in both cases, they functioned similarly to telegraphs (assuming one addresser and one addressee). Along with not only the development of the transmitting and receiving devices but also the widening of our knowledge on radio waves, radio turned into a mass medium, thanks to various "freaks," including investors and other radio lovers. Having access to the network of correspondents and a powerful radio signal, radio stations back then were able to provide live coverage of the events that interested listeners all around the globe. The capacities of radio were significant during World War II as well; precisely, it ceased to serve communication purposes exclusively, and was included into military arsenal (used not only in operations and diversion actions, but also for jamming and scouting). This military conflict showed that the possibility of reaching listeners abroad – that is, the citizens of adversary, allied, and neutral states – had been of enormous importance, whereas the ability of shaping the opinions of foreign citizens had become a crucial part of contemporary warfare. The relevance of radio for international communication was indisputable also during the Cold War. Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty, Voice of America, BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale, Deutsche Welle, Radio Madrid, Radio Moskwa, and Radio China International were fundamentally engaged in both ideological war and public diplomacy. Simultaneously, various international processes changed the position radio occupied among other media; the "Golden Age of Radio" reached a significant decline in the 1950s, when the dominance of radio gave way to the advent of television, whereas from late 1990s on the situation of all media was revolutionised by the birth of the Internet. As a result, digitalisation, convergence, shifts in reception and use of media – not to mention other broader phenomena, including the dominance of audiovisual culture – affected not only listeners and their preferences (inclining to fragmented radio programmes), but also ratings and marketability of radio stations. Finally, since political communication has privileged the audiovisual paradigm, and domestic policy has gradually become a media issue, radio has withdrawn in this area as well, giving primacy to television and new media. Because of the aforementioned factors and shifts, it becomes vital to carefully reconsider the contemporary and international status of radio. After all, one might be tempted to think that radio is no longer in its heyday, whereas both governments and individual listeners do not deem it as a genuine informative medium or a means capable of reaching the foreign public opinion. This book, therefore, explores how Radio France Internationale, Voice of America, and BBC World Service changed diachronically in reference to other radio stations alike, points to rules they follow and formats their programmes take, and analyses their recent activity in international communication between 2014 and 2018. Chapter 1 introduces theoretical vocabulary international communication relies on, and juxtaposes its various definitions with related cultural phenomena, including transcultural communication, political communication, propaganda, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, media diplomacy, and soft power. Aside from analysing these concepts, this chapter also proposes an innovative definition of international communication and its graphic model. Chapter 2 is diachronic, and it focuses on the discovery of radio waves and the invention of radio read from the technical perspective, which determines the position of radio for international communication. Moreover, the early forms of radio are recalled with regard to their significance for foreign communication. Finally, the development of radio and broadcasting in France, United Kingdom, and the USA is presented with an emphasis put on the differences between their broadcasting models. Chapter 3 is devoted to the development of international broadcasting, dividing it into three stages: 1) the early 20th century (until the 1930s), when radio waves were being tested, the first experimental stations came to being, and first international radio stations were founded, including those in Nauen and Zessen (Germany), Sainte-Assise and Le Post Colonial (France), Eindhoven and Heuzen (Netherlands), Chelmsford (United Kingdom); 2) the World War II period, in which the uses of radio for international military communication are analysed in reference to propaganda radio stations (Radio Berlin, Radio Hamburg, Radio Stuttgart, Radio Tokio) and its prominent figures (William Joyce ("Lord Haw-Haw"), Paul Ferdonnet ("the Stuttgart Traitor"), Mildred Gillars ("Axis Sally"), Ive Togure ("Tokyo Rose")), British pirate radio stations functioning in response to the Axis propaganda (for instance, Gustav Siegfried Eins), the radio stations of French Resistance with a special emphasis put on Radio Brazzaville, that is, Charles de Gaulle's chief means of international communication, and, finally, Voice of America serving for public diplomacy purposes; 3) the Cold War period, in which the objectives, assumptions, and strategies of international broadcasting posed by France, United Kingdom, the United States of America between 1945 and late 1980s are examined. The last chapter is entirely dedicated to BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale and Voice of America nowadays, paying attention to their regulations, structures, and broadcasting services. These radio stations are understood as means used for public diplomacy of their countries, and their institutional and formal connections to government institutions are discussed. Consequently, this comparative chapter refers to the legal contexts, supported by acts and regulations of a given country, presents the principles and levels of funding, reconstructs the institutional positions of radio among other media, and characterises broadcasting in terms of services, directions, and programmes. The analysis of contemporary strategies and activities of the discussed radio stations makes it possible to claim that the use of radio for international communication has not lost its relevance, and currently is supported with television and the Internet, that is, the media that were invented later in the course of historical progress. Radio stations, therefore, are not held in media bubbles; rather, they are still significant means of foreign communication because of their specificities. Furthermore, radio communication complies with strategic foreign policies, which affects various parts of the world where levels of technological development diverge whilst the access to television or the Internet connection is not available. In the countries stricken with military conflicts or poverty, radio is still the predominant means of communication that serves numerous purposes; not only is it a source of information on military operations, epidemiological situations, climate and natural disasters, but also it educates its listeners on civil and human rights, especially women's rights. Finally, Voice of America, BBC World Service, and Radio France Internationale support policies against extremism and propaganda (for instance, fake news). The services of the discussed radio stations are related to the policies the United States of America, United Kingdom, and France put forward against ISIL and international terrorism, but also to those actions that support democratic changes in the countries affected by war and political unrest.
Artykuł jest krytycznym spojrzeniem na współpracę w dziedzinie wspólnego zwalczaniaterroryzmu przez USA i UE. Poruszono w nim najważniejsze kwestie, które stanowią rzeczywiste przeszkody we współpracy obu podmiotów, w przeciwdziałaniu terroryzmowi od początku realizacji przez administrację USA projektu politycznego nazwanego GWOT. Publikacja ma zwrócić uwagę na kwestie rzadko poruszane w głównym nurcie publicystycznym oraz naukowym, które kolidują z zimnowojennym paradygmatem transatlantyckiej wspólnoty wartości. Artykuł ukazuje wyzwania do przezwyciężenia, pomimo politycznych deklaracji przyjmowanych na szczytach USA/UE. Rozważania oparto o teksty Źródłowe, aby odbiorca móga samodzielnie skonfrontowaæ zasadność stawianych tez z innymi poglądami funkcjonujacymi w literaturze, dotyczacymi GWOT i współpracy w tym zakresie między USA i UE. Publikacja ma równiez zwrócić uwagę na przekaz medialny występujący w środkach publicznych masowego przekazu (szczególnie w Polsce), które ze względu na zaangazowanie władz polskich w GWOT z rzadka poruszają niepoprawne politycznie tematy. Artykuł ma za zadanie skłonić domdalszej pogłêbionej refleksji nad rozwojem GWOT oraz dalszymi perspektywami współpracymUSA i UE w dziedzinie zwalczania terroryzmu. Artykuł jest wyrazem opinii jego autora, nie stanowiska instytucji, którą reprezentuje. ; The article takes a critical viewpoint on the shared co-operation in the area of fighting terrorism by the USAand the EU. The most important issues are raised, which constitute real obstacles in the co-operation of both subjects, in the counteracting the terrorism since the beginning of the political project's realization by administration of the USA, the political project called GWOT. The publication points out issues only occasionally raised in the journalistic and scientific mainstream, which collide with the cold-war paradigm of the transatlantic community of values. The article aims to raise awareness of the challenges, despite political declarations consistently accepted during the USA/EU summits. The Narrations are based on international documents, so that a recipient could confront independently the legitimacy of proposed theses with other existing in the literature articles, articles concerningGWOTand co-operation in the scope of the USA and EU. The publication points out the modus operandi of the mass media (especially in Poland), which on account of Polish authorities involvement in GWOT, very occasionally raise the politically incorrect subjects. The article aims to generate further detailed reflection on GWOT's evolution and the further co-operation of the USA and UE in the area of fighting terrorism.
Artykuł jest krytycznym spojrzeniem na współpracę w dziedzinie wspólnego zwalczania terroryzmu przez USA i UE. Poruszono w nim najważniejsze kwestie, które stanowił rzeczywiste przeszkody we współpracy obu podmiotów, w przeciwdziałaniu terroryzmowi od początku realizacji przez administrację USA projektu politycznego nazwanego GWOT. Publikacja ma zwrócić uwagę na kwestie rzadko poruszane w głównym nurcie publicystycznym oraz naukowym, , które kolidują z zimnowojennym paradygmatem transatlantyckiej wspólnoty wartości. Artykuł ukazuje wyzwania do przezwyciężenia, pomimo politycznych deklaracji przyjmowanych na szczytach USA/UE. Rozważania oparto o teksty źródłowe, aby odbiorca mógł samodzielnie skonfrontować zasadność stawianych tez z innymi poglądami funkcjonującymi w literaturze, dotyczącymi GWOT i współpracy w tym zakresie między USA i UE. Publikacja ma również zwrócić uwagę na przekaz medialny występujący w środkach publicznych masowego przekazu (szczególnie w Polsce), które ze względu na zaangażowanie władz polskich w GWOT z rzadka poruszają niepoprawne politycznie tematy. Artykuł ma za zadanie skłonić do dalszej pogłębionej refleksji nad rozwojem GWOT oraz dalszymi perspektywami współpracy USA i UE w dziedzinie zwalczania terroryzmu. Artykuł jest wyrazem opinii jego autora, nie stanowiska instytucji, którą reprezentuje. ; The article takes a critical viewpoint on the shared co-operation in the area of fighting terrorism by the USA and the EU. The most important issues are raised, which constitute real obstacles in the co-operation of both subjects, in the counteracting the terrorism since the beginning of the political project's realization by administration of the USA, the political project called GWOT. The publication points out issues only occasionally raised in the journalistic and scientific mainstream, which collide with the cold-war paradigm of the transatlantic community of values. The article aims to raise awareness of the challenges, despite political declarations consistently accepted during the USA/EU summits. The Narrations are based on international documents, so that a recipient could confront independently the legitimacy of proposed theses with other existing in the literature articles, articles concerning GWOT and co-operation in the scope of the USA and EU. The publication points out the modus operandi of the mass media (especially in Poland), which on account of Polish authorities involvement in GWOT, very occasionally raise the politically incorrect subjects. The article aims to generate further detailed reflection on GWOT's evolution and the further co-operation of the USA and UE in the area of fighting terrorism.
During the 1990's the diversity idea entered the Swedish socio-political debate under the name 'mångfald'. The concept originated in the United States and discusses how organizations can be more efficient if they combat discrimination and acknowledge differences. This development attracted the attention of mass-media and led to the publication of books, articles and reports that advocated or commented the concept. It had also had effects on policymaking and various types of consultancy work. The present thesis focuses on studying the dissemination of the diversity concept. This is a way of describing how change takes place through the introduction of new ideas and practices and how various forces and obstacles influence this process. In this dissertation it is the ethnic dimension of the diversity concept that is under the spotlight because this is the aspect which has been given most attention in Sweden. Another limiting factor is that the main object of interest it is diversity as a question involving working life and organisation. This thesis consists of three parts. The first part focuses on how the concept was developed in the USA and discusses the prerequisites in Europe for the dissemination of the diversity idea. The conclusion is that although some economic and structural developmental trends are basically the same in Europe and the United States, there are some obstacles due to contextual differences. In the second part the introduction and the dissemination of the diversity concept in Sweden in the 1990's is studied. The main conclusions of this study are that the idea is 're-invented' in a number of different ways as it is diffused in the Swedish context. The idea, that can be labelled as an essentially contested concept, is modified by different actors in several ways. The contextual differences between the USA and Sweden are another reason that the idea becomes modified and watered down during the dissemination process. The third part investigates how the diversity concept is disseminated and implemented in the municipal organization the City of Malmö. Several obstacles to the dissemination process are revealed, for example the complex nature of the organization and the different views on the benefits of a diversity management strategy. These studies of the dissemination of the diversity idea in Sweden points to the fact that the impact of the idea is rather shallow despite the attention that it has attracted in different arenas.
This book aims at revealing the trends of development of the spoken Polish language in Lithuania and drawing attention to the impact of the Russian, Lithuanian and Belarusian languages on contemporary Polish which is currently used in Lithuania. Based on the results of observing the formal and informal use of the Polish language in a public space as well as in private the publication presents a socio-linguistic approach regarding the issues concerning the language culture. The greatest focus falls on the elimination of the most frequent mistakes penetrating the formal speaking. The didactic teaching resource has been developed based on the programme of contemporary advanced Polish and it is designed for students studying humanitarian sciences in Vilnius University and those who are concerned with correctness of the Polish language. The book consists of theoretical and practical parts; the material of the latter is divided into 12 topics. Each topic is finished with self-control tasks which may be used by students for testing their knowledge and skills. The reference list is provided at the very end of the publication. The fact that Polish is primarily used as the spoken language in Lithuania is taken into consideration in the thesis. The Poles use the Polish language in a private environment, they use it for communication with family members (especially with people of older generations). The language is also used in informal situations in a public space, i.e. when communicating with neighbours and acquaintances. In the latter case other languages are used as well. Almost all Poles residing in Lithuania know three languages (Lithuanian, Russian and Polish); "the new Polish intellectuals" (Kurzowa 1992: 131) speak standard Polish at home. The goal of the lectures is to promote the language culture and linguistic self-awareness as it will influence further linguistic changes. The analysis focuses on lexical changes which have been taking place during the last decades in the language of Lithuanian Polish intellectuals. Linguistic processes which are taking place are similar to the development of the standard Polish language (new terms for economic, political, educational and cultural phenomena emerge, new connotations are attributed to the words); nevertheless, specific features of the Polish language used in Lithuania remain and the development itself is slower. The quality of said changes depends on the impact made by Lithuanian and Russian languages, new words corresponding with the Lithuanian realia are created, new borrowings from Lithuanian and Russian appear, dialecticisms are used as well as linguistic elements of social varieties. The interferential lexis is characteristic of many phraseological novelties related to phenomena of the social and economic nature. Many officially used phraseological novelties have a colloquial connotation; the stylistic and expressive evaluation of the contemporary Polish language are thus neutralised, for instance, stylistic and linguistic means, which do not correspond with the standards of the official language, namely colloquial words, abbreviations, dialecticisms and expressive borrowings, may be observed in mass media. Lectures promote the culture of the Polish language, since the knowledge of the standard Polish language would allow understanding the rapidly changing contemporary Polish culture and participating in the dialogue between Poland and Lithuania.
This book aims at revealing the trends of development of the spoken Polish language in Lithuania and drawing attention to the impact of the Russian, Lithuanian and Belarusian languages on contemporary Polish which is currently used in Lithuania. Based on the results of observing the formal and informal use of the Polish language in a public space as well as in private the publication presents a socio-linguistic approach regarding the issues concerning the language culture. The greatest focus falls on the elimination of the most frequent mistakes penetrating the formal speaking. The didactic teaching resource has been developed based on the programme of contemporary advanced Polish and it is designed for students studying humanitarian sciences in Vilnius University and those who are concerned with correctness of the Polish language. The book consists of theoretical and practical parts; the material of the latter is divided into 12 topics. Each topic is finished with self-control tasks which may be used by students for testing their knowledge and skills. The reference list is provided at the very end of the publication. The fact that Polish is primarily used as the spoken language in Lithuania is taken into consideration in the thesis. The Poles use the Polish language in a private environment, they use it for communication with family members (especially with people of older generations). The language is also used in informal situations in a public space, i.e. when communicating with neighbours and acquaintances. In the latter case other languages are used as well. Almost all Poles residing in Lithuania know three languages (Lithuanian, Russian and Polish); "the new Polish intellectuals" (Kurzowa 1992: 131) speak standard Polish at home. The goal of the lectures is to promote the language culture and linguistic self-awareness as it will influence further linguistic changes. The analysis focuses on lexical changes which have been taking place during the last decades in the language of Lithuanian Polish intellectuals. Linguistic processes which are taking place are similar to the development of the standard Polish language (new terms for economic, political, educational and cultural phenomena emerge, new connotations are attributed to the words); nevertheless, specific features of the Polish language used in Lithuania remain and the development itself is slower. The quality of said changes depends on the impact made by Lithuanian and Russian languages, new words corresponding with the Lithuanian realia are created, new borrowings from Lithuanian and Russian appear, dialecticisms are used as well as linguistic elements of social varieties. The interferential lexis is characteristic of many phraseological novelties related to phenomena of the social and economic nature. Many officially used phraseological novelties have a colloquial connotation; the stylistic and expressive evaluation of the contemporary Polish language are thus neutralised, for instance, stylistic and linguistic means, which do not correspond with the standards of the official language, namely colloquial words, abbreviations, dialecticisms and expressive borrowings, may be observed in mass media. Lectures promote the culture of the Polish language, since the knowledge of the standard Polish language would allow understanding the rapidly changing contemporary Polish culture and participating in the dialogue between Poland and Lithuania.
