Kelkitli, Aslı Fatma (Arel Author) ; Russia appeared to be a country that did not eschew from resorting to hard power instruments suchas military intervention and economic sanctions in the post-Cold War period. Moscow fought a battleagainst Georgia over South Ossetia in August 2008. It also sent its military personnel to Crimea tocapture strategic points and to take control of the critical infrastructure in February 2014, shortlybefore the referendum which would decide whether the peninsula would merge with Russia. Russiaalso occasionally cut off natural gas supplies to Georgia and Ukraine in the middle of winter when thesetwo pro-Western states failed to pay their accumulated natural gas debt. Yet, Moscow starting from themid-2000s has been taking serious and systematic steps to strengthen and expand its soft power basein its immediate neighbourhood as well. These efforts speeded up in the wake of colour revolutionsin Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan which resulted in the replacement of friendly governments thatpaid special attention to Russian concerns and sensitivities with new leaders and cadres that aimedto bring their countries closer to the West. This article will examine the Central Asian dimension ofRussia's soft power policy by borrowing the soft power concept of Joseph Nye. Nye defines soft poweras the capacity to have an impact on or shape the preferences of others by relying upon intangibleassets such as political values, international institutions and culture. So, the study will start with theanalysis of the extent of recognition of Russia's political values, especially its sovereign democracymodel which prioritizes the demands of the state over those of individuals, lays emphasis on theprinciples of independence, sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs in the intercourse withother states and underlines the primacy of traditional and conservative values such as unity, solidarityand family over individualism, feminism and LGBT rights by the Central Asian political elites. Thearticle will then move on to explore the extent of Russia's success in exporting the main tenets of thesovereign democracy model to Central Asia by examining some of the agreements, declarations,decisions and practices of the international institutions such as the Commonwealth of IndependentStates, the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization whichplay significant role in the region. The study will end with the assessment of the cultural aspect of theRussian soft power in Central Asia by investigating the prevalence of Russian language, Russian highereducation institutions, Russian media and Russian mass entertainment in the region.
Özellikle, kitle iletişim teknolojisinin gelişmesi ile birlikte küreselleşme süreci hız kazanmıştır. Bu süreçte, devlet yapılarının formu değişmeye başlamıştır. Bu değişim, ulus devletlerin varoluşunu sarsmıştır. Ulus devlet yerini küresel devlete bırakmaya başlamıştır. Bu bağlamda, devletler bu yeni forma uyum sağlamak ve küresel devlet olmak için yeni yollar bulmaya çalışmaktadır. Bu yeni; ekonomik, siyasi ve kültürel yolların, en önemli aracı ise doğru kamu diplomasisi tekniklerini kullanmaktır. Günümüzde, dünyanın, ekonomik ve siyasi gücü olmanın sırrı doğru ve etkili kamu diplomasisi uygulamalarından geçmektedir. Dünyada bu uygulamaların en önemli temsilcisi Amerika Birleşik Devletleri olmuştur. Tezin teori kısmında devlet kavramı ve uluslararası ilişkilerde devletin yeri anlatılmıştır. Ardından diplomasi ve kamu diplomasisinden bahsedilmiştir. ABD ve Türkiye kamu diplomasisi internet sayfaları tanıtılmıştır. Amerika Birleşik Devletleri, bağımsızlığını kazandıktan sonraki süreçte başka devletlerle olan ilişkilerinde 'demokrasi' ve 'özgürlük' siyasal söylemleri üzerinden kendi dış politikalarını yürütmüştür. Bu yüzyılın kamu diplomasisi uygulamalarına yön vermiştir. Araştırmanın sonucunda ABD'nin küresel kamu diplomasisi yaptığı ortaya çıkmıştır. Aynı şekilde Türkiye'nin ise ağırlıklı olarak iç kamu diplomasisi yaptığı sonucuna ulaşılmıştır. Ayrıca, ABD ve Türkiye kamu diplomasisi çalışmaları sosyal medya platformlarından Twitter üzerinden karşılaştırılmıştır. ABD ve Türkiye'nin kamu diplomasisi yönelimlerinde en fazla neyi ön plana çıkardıkları, neyi vurguladıkları grafik ve tablolarla gösterilmiştir. Sonuç olarak Türkiye Cumhuriyeti kamu diplomasisinin artıları ve eksileri gösterilerek önerilerde bulunulmuştur. ; In particular, the development of mass communication technology has accelerated the globalization process. In this process, the form of state structures has begun to change. This change has shaken the existence of nation states. The nation state has begun to relocate its place to the global state. In this context, states are trying to find new ways to adapt to this new form and become a global state. This is new; economic, political and cultural ways, and the most important means is to use the right public diplomacy techniques. Today, the mystery of being the economic and political power of the world is the right and effective public diplomacy practice. The United States has pursued its own foreign policies over the political discourses of 'democracy' and 'freedom' in its relations with other states in the period after gaining its independence. This century has led to the implementation of public diplomacy. For this reason, the prospect of public diplomacy in intergovernmental relations has been researched. In the thesis theory part, the concept of the state and the place of the state in international relations are explained. Then, diplomacy and public diplomacy were mentioned. US and Turkey, public diplomacy has introduced web pages. In this context, public diplomacy efforts in the US and Turkey were compared via Twitter social media platforms. US and Turkey, public diplomacy orientations, most of what they make the foreground, they emphasize what is shown in the graphs and tables. As a result, proposals have been made in the Republic of Turkey showing the pros and cons of public diplomacy.
ÖZET2011 GENEL SEÇİMLERİ SÜRECİNDE YAZILI BASININ SİYASAL İLETİŞİM YÖNÜNDEN İNCELENMESİSiyaset ve iletişim disiplinlerinin kesişim noktasından doğan "siyasal iletişim" kavramı, hayatımızda yalnızca teorik anlamda var olmamaktadır. Öyle ki, etrafımızı çevreleyen neredeyse her kitle iletişim aracı her an siyasal iletişim mesajları taşımakta fakat aynı zamanda bu mesajları farklı anlatım biçimleriyle yansıtmaktadır. Yazılı basın da bu kitle iletişim araçlarının geçmişten bu yana en etkili olanlarından biridir. Bu nedenle, yalnızca seçim dönemlerinde değil, seçim dışı zamanlarda da gazetelerin siyasal iletişim açısından önemli bir rolü vardır.Siyasal iletişim kavramı, 20. Yüzyılın sonlarına doğru popülerlik kazanmış olsa da, Antik Yunan'dan günümüze varlığını sürdürmektedir. Platon'un "Sokrates'in Savunması" ve "Gorgias", Aristoteles'in ise "Retorik" adlı eserlerinde siyasal iletişimden izler bulmak mümkündür. Özellikle retorik (ikna edici dil kullanımı), siyasal iletişim tekniklerinin temel öğelerinden birini oluşturmaktadır. Zaman içinde gelişen siyasal sistemler ve iletişim sistemleri, kavramın etki alanını genişletmiştir. Pazarlama öğelerinin hemen hepsi "siyasal iletişim yönetimi" adı altında birleşip, siyasal reklam, siyasal propaganda ve siyasal pazarlama gibi kollara ayrılmıştır. Özellikle Amerika Birleşik Devletleri'nde iletişim teknolojilerinin gelişmesiyle birlikte siyasal iletişimin önemi artmış; seçim dışındaki dönemlerde de uzun vadeli stratejik planlar yapılmaya başlanmıştır. Bu noktada, kitle iletişim araçlarının toplum üzerinde kısa ve uzun vadede yarattığı etkilere örnek olarak çeşitli kuramlar/modeller üretilmeye başlanmıştır. Siyasal iletişimi de ilgilendiren bu kuramlardan biri Gündem Belirleme Modeli (Agenda Setting)'dir. Bu modele göre, medya yansıttığı gündemle, bizim ne konuşacağımızı değil ama "ne hakkında konuşacağımızı" belirlemektedir. Diğer bir deyişle, bizi yönlendirmektedir. Dolayısıyla medyanın (tez konusu gereği basının) elinde bulundurduğu bu güç, siyasi parti liderleri tarafından bir manipülasyon aracı olarak görülmektedir. Bu durum, basın ve siyaset ilişkisini konunun içine dahil etmektedir. Basın tarihi boyunca, siyaset ve iktidarla ilişkiler hep gündemde olmuştur. Özellikle Türk Basın Tarihi'nde yapılan sansürler, kapatılan dergi ve gazeteler, hapis cezası alan gazeteciler bu ilişkilerin boyutunu gözler önüne sermektedir. Elbette ilişkilerin bu girift (çapraşık) hali almasında ilk gazetelerin devlet eliyle çıkması, sonrasında basında yaşanan holdingleşmeler, hükümetler tarafından verilen teşvikler ve değişen habercilik anlayışının da etkileri olmuştur. Neticede, değişen habercilik anlayışı "haberin metalaşması" sorununu da beraberinde getirmiştir. Bunun yanında, basın-siyaset arasında yaşanan çıkar çatışmaları haber diline yansımış; nesnellik, objektiflik ve dengelilik gibi unsurlar belirgin şekilde göz ardı edilmeye başlanmıştır. Tüm bu nedenlerden ötürü, bu çalışmada 2011 Genel Seçimleri sürecinde partilerin ve liderlerin siyasal iletişim çalışmalarının yazılı basında nasıl sunulduğu ve yansıtıldığı incelenmiştir. 1 Mayıs 2011- 12 Haziran 2011 tarihleri arasında Cumhuriyet, Hürriyet ve Zaman gazetelerinde partilerin seçim çalışmaları ile ilgili yer alan haberler, eleştirel söylem çözümlemesi modeli örnek alınarak analiz edilmiştir. Çalışmanın birinci bölümünde, Siyaset, İletişim ve Siyasal İletişim kavramlarının yanında, Siyasal İletişimin Tarihçesi, Öğeleri ve Türkiye'deki Gelişimi ele alınmıştır. İkinci bölümde, Yazılı Basın ve Siyaset İlişkisi, Siyasal İletişimde Yazılı Basının Yeri , Siyasal İletişim ve Habercilik Etiği incelenmiştir. Üçüncü bölümde, partilerin 2011 Milletvekili Seçimleri sürecinde kullandıkları sloganlar, ilanlar, seçim vaatleri ve tanıtım faaliyetleri irdelenmiştir. Dördüncü bölümde ise, Eleştirel Söylem Çözümlemesi Modeli örnek alınarak seçilen gazetelerin analizleri yapılmıştır. ABSTRACTANALYSIS OF THE PRESS IN TERMS OF POLITICAL COMMUNICATION DURING 2011 GENERAL ELECTIONSPolitical communication, which arises out of the crossroads of politics and communication disciplines, does not exist just theoretically in our lives. Such that, every means of mass communication that surrounds our environment carry political communication messages at any moment by reflecting these messages using different wordings at the same time. Press is one of the most effective means of mass communication from past to present. Because of this reason, not only in the election periods, but also during non-election periods, newspapers have an important role in terms of political communication. Even though political communication started to gain popularity towards the end of the 20th century, it's been in existence since Ancient Greeks. It's possible to find the traces of political communication in Platon's works, "Sokrates's Defence" and "Gorgias" and, Aristoteles's work "Rhetoric". Especially rhetoric (persuasive use of the language) is one of the basic elements of the political communication techniques.In time, the developing political and communication systems has broadened the influence area of the term. Almost all the components of marketing came together under the name of "political communication management" and ramify in to the branches like political advertisement, political propaganda and political marketing. Mainly, by the development of communication technologies in the United States, the importance of political communication has increased and long-term strategical plans (including non-election period) has started. At this point, various theories and models have started to be produced as a sample for the long/short term effects of the means of mass communication on the society. One of these theories which concerns political communication is Agenda Setting. According to this model, the media do not determine "what we are going to talk" but "about what we are going to talk". In other words, it redirects us. Thereby, the power that press has is seen as a mean of manipulation by the political party leaders. This situation directly takes press and politics in to the subject. Throughout the history of the press, politics and power relations were always on the agenda. Especially in the history of Turkish press, the censorship, banned magazines and newspapers, the journalists who were sentenced reveal the size of these relationships. Certainly, the emergence of first newspapers by the hand of state, the incentives provided by the governments, the conglomeration in the press immediately afterwards, and the changing understanding in the journalism all have had an impact on the relationships which reached this perplexed state, too. Eventually, the changing understanding in the journalism has brought the problem of "commoditization in the news", as well. Besides, the conflicts between the press and politics have affected the language of the news; the elements like objectivity and balance in the news have clearly begun to be ignored. Because of all these reasons, how the political communication process of the leaders and parties were presented and reflected during 2011 general elections in Turkey is analyzed. Between May 1 and June 12, the election studies of political parties in the news of the daily national newspapers Cumhuriyet, Hürriyet and Zaman is analyzed by using the model of critical discourse analysis. In the first chapter of this study, the History, Elements and Development of Political Communication in Turkey were discussed, beside the concepts of Politics, Communication and Political Communication. In the second chapter, Relationship between Press and Political Communication, Place of the Press in Political Communication, Political Communication and Journalism Ethics are studied. In the third section, slogans, advertisements, election promises and promotional activities of the parties in the process of 2011 general elections are widely examined. Finally in the fourth chapter, selected newspapers were analyzed through Critical Discourse Analysis Model.
The main determinant of the development of the contemporary political communication constitutes the attempt to impart a rational dimension to the actions of communication in compliance with Weber's understanding of the term. M. Weber claimed that rationism is a direct reflection of (a) the ability to determine such aims which are optimal and adequate to one's own resources within a given situational context, as well as the possibility to calculate the consequences of the actions undertaken (rational actions on account of the aim) and/or (b) orientation of actions around a given value system (rational actions on account of the values). In this view, a direction of the development of the contemporary conception of political communication reflects the evolutionary transformation of the relations between an axiological and instrumental-functional approach to the process of creating, planning, and executing communication strategies. Four stages in the development of the conception of communicative actions strategically ordered can be distinguished: — stage I: domination of communicative actions oriented around the political system of values preferable by the sender of the information (the stage of a traditional political propaganda; the chief aim of communicative influences — social integration/persuasion), — stage II: a relative balance of actions oriented around preferable political values and pragmatic aims (the stage of institutionalised political propaganda; the chief aim of communicative influences — persuasion/integration/political activation), — stage III: domination of pragmatic aims parallel with political values preferable by the sender of the information (the stage of early communication campaigns market-oriented; the chief aim of communicative influences — persuasion/political activation), — stage IV: correlation of pragmatic aims and instrumental values (the stage of a developed political marketing communication; the chief aim of communicative influences — political motivation, with the main emphasis on the election activation). An increasing popularity of the marketing methods of organization and conducting political campaigns should be treated as a subsequent stage of the search for the efficient formula of political communication, the stage whose main determinants are the following: — organizational transformation of traditional political subjects (political parties, electional organizations of candidates), — gradual professionalization of politics, in two perspectives: professionalization of political parties evident in the increase of the role of professional politics in making important organizational decisions, as well as the appearance of new actors on the political stage, political consultants, taking over the position of a central decisive centre in political organizations, with responsibility for preparation and implementation of the political communication strategy, — mediatisation of political communication — means of mass communication have become the main transmission channel of political information on the one hand, and, on the other hand, a kind of creator of the political reality, shaping the image of the political market, particular political subjects, or the course of political rivalry by active selection and exposure of given information according to the commercial and/or political interests of the media transmitters, — change of the system of factors determining political behaviours (electional behaviours in particular) of citizens — what becomes especially important in this context is a progressing decrease of the level of political identification leading to the increase of the number of citizens slightly engaged in the political enterprise, possessing relatively low competences of receiving and understanding transmitted political information, as well as basic problems with taking a given political decision. The complexity of the market conditions makes the subjects of political rivalry choose and develop communication marketing strategies. Such a way of organizing and realising political communicative campaigns — in accordance with the four basic criteria: efficiency, predictability, calculationism, and the use of advanced technology — may be treated as an optimal variant of a strategic adjustment of the contemporary organizations to diversified requirements of the political environment.
