Information security is vital for national security, especiallyduring martial law. The influential role of the media in the socio-political landscape of Ukraine underscores the need to studyits impact on the system of public management of informationsecurity. This research aims to identify the extent and directionsof such impact, using statistical analysis and comparative lawmethodology. The findings reveal information security challengesrelated to social media in Ukraine, such as distorted information,manipulation, propaganda, imperfect regulation and subordination ofmedia to the interests of their owners. International experiences suggestaddressing these problems by promoting digital literacy, facilitating faircompetition and fostering relations between the state, media and citizens.By way of conclusion, the significant influence of the media on publicopinion and political processes is confirmed, with both positive (coverageof important information) and negative (misinformation, manipulation)aspects in the system of public management of information security.
The authors have set themselves the goal of analyzing the mass media and coverage of terrorist attacks on the Internet, to assess their impact on the growing number of terrorists in the world based on this analysis. The methodological basis of this research is represented by the comprehensive approach, which allowed identifying and corroborating the need to restructure the media and the Internet to combat modern terrorism. The epistemological potential of the statistical and sociological methods used within quantitative and qualitative research makes it possible to properly interpret the results of scientific research devoted to the subject of analysis. The results suggest that current activity by the media and Internet users encourages the growth in the number of terrorist acts in the world and improves the efficiency of recruiting newcomers to terrorist organizations. Furthermore, optimal ways of restructuring social media and expanding the scope of control of the operation of the Internet without violating freedom of expression and the right of citizens to free access to information are discussed.
From a documentary perspective the article addresses issues such as the collapse of the Soviet Union, separatism in the USSR and the existence of similar destructive processes in modern Russia. Special attention is paid to the role of the media in the collapse of the USSR. The goal was to find out whether the collapse of the Soviet Union and the rise of New Russia were inevitable. Consequently, the additional objectives of the article are to identify the main reasons for the collapse of the USSR, to draw an analogy with the situation in modern Russia, to analyze propaganda techniques by examining the Moscow News newspaper, and to study and generalize the main problems of inter-ethnic dialogue in the Soviet and post-Soviet space. The relevance of the topic is justified by the lack of a unified view in the community of experts on the causes and consequences of the collapse of the USSR, as well as by the lack of a unified assessment of the period of Perestroika and the inevitability of the transition from socialism to capitalism in Russia. It is concluded that in the geopolitical phenomenon of the collapse of the USSR occupies a special role the national and international media dimension.
En el presente artículo se evalúa la actuación de las autoridades electorales en México durante las campañas presidenciales de 2012 en lo referente a la garantía del derecho a la información de los ciudadanos. Por medio de una revisión teórica de los conceptos de libertad de expresión y derecho a la información, se argumenta a favor de la necesaria complementariedad e interdependencia entre ambos conceptos. Se explora la manera en que las autoridades electorales abordaron el tema de la libertad de expresión en tres ámbitos de acción: la emisión de "sugerencias de lineamientos" para la cobertura de las campañas electorales por las empresas de radio y televisión; el monitoreo de la cobertura de las campañas en los noticieros de radio y televisión; y la organización y promoción de debates electorales entre los candidatos a la Presidencia de la República. Esta revisión revela que existe una importante contradicción entre la teoría y la práctica del IFE y el TEPJF. Se concluye con algunas reflexiones generales sobre la libertad de expresión y el papel de los órganos electorales en la política mexicana a la vez que se proponen algunas reformas que podrían fortalecer la libertad de expresión y el derecho a la información de los ciudadanos durante los próximos ejercicios electorales.
La presente exposición quiere ser una reflexión sobre los vicios y las virtudes del periodismo con relación a los asuntos étnicos. Los medios de información del continente latinoamericano han desarrollado una visión "colonial" y hegemónica del problema, creando una meta-realidad excluyente que ha imposibilitado el desarrollo de relaciones pacificas hacia las comunidades indígenas de sus diferentes países. Esta meta-realidad se quiere sencilla y, por esta razón, los medios masivos se apoyan en la construcción de experiencias estereotipadas, sin complejidades. Sin embargo, es posible una visión optimista de la cuestión (que comparte la perspectiva de Antonio Negri acerca de las "grietas" del Imperio), mirando a las posibilidades que ofrece el periodismo comprometido para la paz.
Este artículo pretende presentar de manera concisa la sociología de los mass media de Niklas Luhmann. El gran sociólogo alemán quiso realizar con ella un análisis enraizado en su teoría general de la sociedad moderna, a fin de superar el nivel preponderantemente descriptivo de las investigaciones sociales sobre los media. La tesis principal de Luhmann es que los mass media construyen la realidad con la que puede operar un sistema tan complejo como es nuestra sociedad. Al hacer esto asumen la importante función de absorber la incertidumbre (social) acerca de qué y cómo es el mundo. Desentrañar la realidad (social) de esa construcción, en consecuencia, era también tarea fundamental de esta sociología.
This article focuses on the ways of generation of media discourse about management and labor organizations. This discourse plays a central role in the social construction of organizational criteria and practices as well as the definition of work health indicators for all the implicated social groups in the labor phenomenon. His common justification is the intention of educating and spreading mass knowledge. Both are conducting to produce a high homogenous view about how to do with persons in organizations. Our analysis uncovers a fundamental interpretative repertory: systemic conceptualization of organizations and the implications for the persons at work subjectivity in a time defined for a erased labor class. This article focuses on the ways in which work and management are discursively represented in the media. Media discourse plays an important part in the social construction, by various interested parties, of well-being at work. The basic rationale of the discourse is, it claims, educational. That leads, we argue, to a very undifferentiated understanding of how personnel should be managed. We identify a pervasive interpretative repertoire: the systematic view of organizations, and its implications for the subjectivity of employees, in an era defined by the diminishing certainty of working class identity in contemporary social structure.
This project presents the educational and social intervention elements needed for the implementation of a gender equality awareness raising campaign in mass media. The general objectives of this project are: to break with denigrating gender stereotypes which depict women as submissive or as sexual object in mass media, and to support Sustainable Development Goal 5 (Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls) of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development of the United Nations. To create the awareness raising campaign, following the educational and social intervention elements included in this project, it is expected that the creator of the project, UN-WOMEN, Member States, women-focused institutions and commercial brands interested in the project team up together. The work of all the aforementioned stakeholders towards a common goal, together with an advertising agency, will result in an awareness raising campaign in an audiovisual format. This campaign would be distributed by all mass media during 30 days. The campaign entitled "Education through Examples" would be supported by conferences around the world.
The objective of the study was to determine the forms of media involvement in justice for crimes against the civilian population. The research was conducted using the methods of systems approach, descriptive analysis, forecasting, systematic sampling and comparative method. The mass media as an institution of civil society have ample opportunities for active participation in justice, in particular, in the detection and documentation of crimes, social support to victims, coordination of efforts of governmental and non-governmental entities. The media is an active subject in justice for crimes against the civilian population. However, their functions are not of a legal nature; they are aimed at establishing the completeness and objectivity of the facts. It is concluded that the prospects for the development of media activities envisage the model, which focuses on the detection and documentation of crimes, in particular through the latest technologies; provision of social support and opportunities for victims to express their position while facilitating the coordination of efforts between governmental and non-governmental entities interested in justice for crimes against civilians.
El presente trabajo es un estudio crítico sobre la relación existente entre medios de comunicación y corrupción política. La estrategia del mismo consiste en desvelar la posición de los medios de comunicación como mediatizadores activos de la relación entre gobernantes y gobernados, de manera que la información sobre corrupción producida por los medios no se vea como el mero cumplimiento de una tarea asignada desde sus orígenes ilustrados a la prensa, a saber, su labor de watchdog o perro guardián de las libertades públicas y del buen gobierno. Vistas así las cosas, los medios se configuran como actores políticos con intereses particulares que interaccionan con los hechos y a los que confieren (o no) la entidad de noticiables en grados diversos. Los escándalos de corrupción política deben estudiarse a la luz de las narrativas periodísticas, a la luz de los condicionamientos empresariales de los medios y a la luz de la configuración de las relaciones entre el sistema político y el sistema mediático. Sólo así podremos encarar la cuestión de fondo que se plantea al final de este trabajo y que pregunta qué pueden hacer los medios de comunicación para acrecentar la calidad de la democracia extirpando o al menos limitando en ella la corrupción política. lan hau komunikabideen eta ustelkeria politikoaren arteko harremanei buruzkoa da. Lanaren estrategia komunikabideek gobernatzaileen eta gobernatuen arteko harremanak hedatzeko bitarteko aktiboak bezala duten jarrera agertzea da, hau da, komunikabideek ustelkeriari buruz emandako informazioa izan ez dadin prentsaren jatorrietatik datorren ataza soila, hots, askatasun publikoen eta gobernu onaren watchdog or atari-txakur lana. Gauzak horrela, komunikabideak aktore politikoak dira, interes partikularrak dituzte eta egitateekiko elkarrekintza dute, eta egitate horiei garrantzia ematen diete (edo ez), interesen arabera. Ustelkeria politikoko eskandaluak kazetaritzako argitan, komunikabideen enpresen interesen arabera eta sistema politikoaren eta komunikabide sistemaren arteko harremanak kontuan izanda aztertu behar dira. Horrela soilik ahal izango diogu lana honen funtsari ekin, alegia: zer egin dezakete komunikabideek demokraziaren kalitatea handitzeko, hau da, ustelkeria politikoa bertatik erauzi edo, gutxienez, mugatzeko? This work is a critical analysis about the relationship between mass media and political corruption. Its strategy is to unveil the mass media position as an activ mediator in the relationship between governers and governeds so that information about corruption by the media cannot be seen as the simple fullfilment of an assigned task to the press since its Enlightment origins, i.e. their job of watchdog or guard dog for public liberties and good governance. As things stand, mass media are configured as political actors with particular interests that interact with facts to which the give (or not) a gradual entity of political newsworthiness. The scandals of political corruption should be studied in the light of journalistic narratives, corporate constraints of the mass media and the setting of relationships among the political and the media system. Only this way we will be able to face the underlying issue that arises at the end of this work and that questions what mass media can do in order to improve the quality of democracy by removing or at least constraining within the political corruption.
La relación entre los diferentes miembros de una misma familia, se ha visto siempre determinada por aquellas que mantiene con los diferentes medios de comunicación que les rodean. Hoy cuando los mass media viven a sus anchas en los hogares se hace necesario determinar el grado de relación entre la familia y estos, y si esa "relación afectiva" puede considerarse beneficiosa o no para ambas partes.
This article exposes one of the research findings mass media cultural and industry: key to the understanding of youth identities, which consisted in the construction of a state of art, from design and qualitative hermeneutic approach; their interest is in describing how it was understood the relationship between the concepts culture industry / media and the notion of youth identities psycho-sociological perspective. This text exposes how the ideology of consumerism has introduced new ways of understanding the concepts of body, territory, socioeconomic status and gender, those concerning identity are influenced by the logic of the culture industry, young people construct their identity from the relationship they establish with the consumption of culture, the position they take when faced with offers sold by the media and their acceptance or not by the logic of the industry.
Una figura central del objeto de análisis: la víctima. El título de este ejercicio devela la hipótesis central sobre ella, pero no se está frente a un gran misterio, sólo ante una propuesta de análisis y una pregunta ¿por qué gusta y funciona tanto la representación de la víctima? En términos (auto) críticos, la academia, las humanidades, la militancia y las artes tampoco están lejos de esta forma de accionar periodística, también se sirven de la víctima aunque con propósitos más complejos. Análisis que se centrará en el caso de la Violencia en Ciudad de Juarez y propone evaluar la condición de víctima.
