The article analyzes lexical items, the augmentatives, that are used in the language of modern mass media; it is defined new lexical items and expansion of the sphere of their functioning in media materials on social and political and other subjects; it is defined the functional and stylistic role of augmentatives in the language of the press and negative assessment in publicistic materials. The descriptive research method and observation method were used as main in studying augmentatives in the language of Ukrainian periodicals of the XXI century. At different stages of the research the method of functional analysis was used to determine the stylistic load of lexical items. It is concluded that in the language of Ukrainian periodicals, the augmentatives are rarely used, unlike diminutives. They most often have a negative assessment function, representing neglect, condemnation, contempt, etc. Sometimes, with the help of augmentatives, they show the size of the object, phenomenon, or a living being that the author writes about. In general, the augmentatives give some expressive coloring to the text.
The purpose of the article is to identify specific features of the modern Ukrainian superhero as a mechanism of cultural reflection. Recently, comics have become popular in Ukraine, and on the shelves of bookstores every year, there are more and more interesting Ukrainian superhero comic stories that are closely intertwined with socio-cultural and political contexts. However, the image of a modern Ukrainian superhero remains an unexplored phenomenon. The research methodology includes a historical method for systematizing the available material, a method of analysis used to compare national and foreign publications and projects where superheroes operate, and a synthesis method for summarizing the results of the research. The scientific novelty is to identify the main features of the modern Ukrainian superhero and its representation in the mass media as a tool for self-analysis of Ukrainian society. Conclusions. Modern Ukrainian comic culture produces the latest images that emerge from the circumstances of Ukrainian society (the Revolution of Dignity, the war in the East of Ukraine). The Ukrainian superhero, following the traditions of the world classics, has superhuman capabilities and special character traits. Through mass media promoting the image of a superhero, national values are actively promoted in Ukraine. ; The purpose of the article is to identify specific features of the modern Ukrainian superhero as a mechanism of cultural reflection. Recently, comics have become popular in Ukraine, and on the shelves of bookstores every year, there are more and more interesting Ukrainian superhero comic stories that are closely intertwined with socio-cultural and political contexts. However, the image of a modern Ukrainian superhero remains an unexplored phenomenon. The research methodology includes a historical method for systematizing the available material, a method of analysis used to compare national and foreign publications and projects where superheroes operate, and a synthesis method for summarizing the results of the research. The scientific novelty is to identify the main features of the modern Ukrainian superhero and its representation in the mass media as a tool for self-analysis of Ukrainian society. Conclusions. Modern Ukrainian comic culture produces the latest images that emerge from the circumstances of Ukrainian society (the Revolution of Dignity, the war in the East of Ukraine). The Ukrainian superhero, following the traditions of the world classics, has superhuman capabilities and special character traits. Through mass media promoting the image of a superhero, national values are actively promoted in Ukraine.
The purpose of the article is to identify specific features of the modern Ukrainian superhero as a mechanism of cultural reflection. Recently, comics have become popular in Ukraine, and on the shelves of bookstores every year, there are more and more interesting Ukrainian superhero comic stories that are closely intertwined with socio-cultural and political contexts. However, the image of a modern Ukrainian superhero remains an unexplored phenomenon. The research methodology includes a historical method for systematizing the available material, a method of analysis used to compare national and foreign publications and projects where superheroes operate, and a synthesis method for summarizing the results of the research. The scientific novelty is to identify the main features of the modern Ukrainian superhero and its representation in the mass media as a tool for self-analysis of Ukrainian society. Conclusions. Modern Ukrainian comic culture produces the latest images that emerge from the circumstances of Ukrainian society (the Revolution of Dignity, the war in the East of Ukraine). The Ukrainian superhero, following the traditions of the world classics, has superhuman capabilities and special character traits. Through mass media promoting the image of a superhero, national values are actively promoted in Ukraine. ; The purpose of the article is to identify specific features of the modern Ukrainian superhero as a mechanism of cultural reflection. Recently, comics have become popular in Ukraine, and on the shelves of bookstores every year, there are more and more interesting Ukrainian superhero comic stories that are closely intertwined with socio-cultural and political contexts. However, the image of a modern Ukrainian superhero remains an unexplored phenomenon. The research methodology includes a historical method for systematizing the available material, a method of analysis used to compare national and foreign publications and projects where superheroes operate, and a synthesis method for summarizing the results of the research. The scientific novelty is to identify the main features of the modern Ukrainian superhero and its representation in the mass media as a tool for self-analysis of Ukrainian society. Conclusions. Modern Ukrainian comic culture produces the latest images that emerge from the circumstances of Ukrainian society (the Revolution of Dignity, the war in the East of Ukraine). The Ukrainian superhero, following the traditions of the world classics, has superhuman capabilities and special character traits. Through mass media promoting the image of a superhero, national values are actively promoted in Ukraine.
Mass media role and importance in terrorist strategy are analysed in this article. Key words: mass media, terrorism, information, aggressor, political actors. ; Проаналізовано роль ЗМІ як чинника в реалізації терористичної стратегії. Ключові слова: ЗМІ, тероризм, агресори, політичні актори, інформація.
The processes, taking place in our national information space, cannot but put us on guard. Most alarming they are in the sphere of TV-speaking. Now they look especially dangerous, when Ukraine is in military confrontation, combined with hybrid war with aggressive Northern neighbour. We have been experiencing a difficult period of attempts of reforms' implementation, which have been declared by the authorities (unfortunately, the majority of them are pseudo plans), especially in information sphere. Both the results of future elections and the future of our state directly depend on these reforms.
The spread of Internet and the development of electronic mass media have made a significant impact on traditional mass media means. The circulation of newspapers and broadcast media ratings have been falling down. As a result, mass media journalists and researchers have started searching for ways for traditional mass media to retain its audience. They all have come to conclusion that readers, viewers and listeners should be involved into the formation of the mass media content. However, this is possible to happen only if journalists and editors devote more attention to the audience's feedback – the reflection of the public agenda. The object of this work is an overview of Lithuanian newspapers of the last three years. The goal of this work is to investigate the reflection of the audience's feedback in the Lithuanian mass media. The tasks of this work are: to distinguish direct and indirect feedback, to analyze positive and negative feedback's impact to mass media content; to explain the impact of public agenda; to analyze the conditions for a two-way communication model in the mass media; to expose the feedback as a competitive advantage; to research the content of two Lithuanian newspapers to estimate the effectiveness of feedback in Lithuanian mass media. The research findings have revealed that Lithuanian newspapers use several means of feedback. However, the latter is not published on the daily basis. Furthermore, different sources of feedback were discovered in the newspapers. Feedback was coming from mass media audience, various political institutions and media regulation organizations. In addition, it was discovered that newspapers use feedback not only to investigate the needs of audience or to generate ideas for new topics. Feedback is also used to endorse editors' point of view and is a back-up of an open criticism. Finally, the research has also demonstrated that feedback is rarely used to form the content of newspapers. Consequently, there are no favorable conditions for a two-way communication model in the Lithuanian mass media. Today's Lithuanian mass media, being apathetic to the public interest, unwilling to search for new opportunities to improve media quality, and lacking differentiating outlooks, demonstrates that feedback does not play a major role in the Lithuanian newspapers.
The spread of Internet and the development of electronic mass media have made a significant impact on traditional mass media means. The circulation of newspapers and broadcast media ratings have been falling down. As a result, mass media journalists and researchers have started searching for ways for traditional mass media to retain its audience. They all have come to conclusion that readers, viewers and listeners should be involved into the formation of the mass media content. However, this is possible to happen only if journalists and editors devote more attention to the audience's feedback – the reflection of the public agenda. The object of this work is an overview of Lithuanian newspapers of the last three years. The goal of this work is to investigate the reflection of the audience's feedback in the Lithuanian mass media. The tasks of this work are: to distinguish direct and indirect feedback, to analyze positive and negative feedback's impact to mass media content; to explain the impact of public agenda; to analyze the conditions for a two-way communication model in the mass media; to expose the feedback as a competitive advantage; to research the content of two Lithuanian newspapers to estimate the effectiveness of feedback in Lithuanian mass media. The research findings have revealed that Lithuanian newspapers use several means of feedback. However, the latter is not published on the daily basis. Furthermore, different sources of feedback were discovered in the newspapers. Feedback was coming from mass media audience, various political institutions and media regulation organizations. In addition, it was discovered that newspapers use feedback not only to investigate the needs of audience or to generate ideas for new topics. Feedback is also used to endorse editors' point of view and is a back-up of an open criticism. Finally, the research has also demonstrated that feedback is rarely used to form the content of newspapers. Consequently, there are no favorable conditions for a two-way communication model in the Lithuanian mass media. Today's Lithuanian mass media, being apathetic to the public interest, unwilling to search for new opportunities to improve media quality, and lacking differentiating outlooks, demonstrates that feedback does not play a major role in the Lithuanian newspapers.
The article attempts to show how the role of the mass media is changing in the field of politics today: it is no longer the institution that informs society or provides us with values and norms of behaviour and understanding, but itself becomes a political and ideological agent that exists in parallel with the political parties, competes with them and attempts to replace them in the political field. In modern society, the ideological expansion is only possible as media expansion. For this reason political parties or their ideologies compete today not only among themselves, but are also forced to compete with the mass media as a political power with an ideology of its own. Although it is hard to define (which is characteristic of the political structure of postmodern times), it influence on the society, its preferences in politics, and its choices of values is intensive and effective. As the mass media perceives its power and its new political and ideological opportunities, in the near future we will be forced to put up with it not only as the structure organising the flow of information, but also as an independent political agent with its own political interest, organization structure and interests directed at the processes of political decision- making, and not at the elucidation of those processes via the channels of information. In this way the mass media is changing and turning from a structure that represents the views and positions of the public into a structure that represents public interest in relation to power. It is becoming the key instrument in the organisation of political life and rendering meaning to it. At the same time the activity of the mass media arrests and paralyses the activity of the individual. People could themselves find out what the mass media provides, but at a considerably higher cost in time, energy and money. Thus the mass media deprives us of the will to learn and act independently. [.]
The article attempts to show how the role of the mass media is changing in the field of politics today: it is no longer the institution that informs society or provides us with values and norms of behaviour and understanding, but itself becomes a political and ideological agent that exists in parallel with the political parties, competes with them and attempts to replace them in the political field. In modern society, the ideological expansion is only possible as media expansion. For this reason political parties or their ideologies compete today not only among themselves, but are also forced to compete with the mass media as a political power with an ideology of its own. Although it is hard to define (which is characteristic of the political structure of postmodern times), it influence on the society, its preferences in politics, and its choices of values is intensive and effective. As the mass media perceives its power and its new political and ideological opportunities, in the near future we will be forced to put up with it not only as the structure organising the flow of information, but also as an independent political agent with its own political interest, organization structure and interests directed at the processes of political decision- making, and not at the elucidation of those processes via the channels of information. In this way the mass media is changing and turning from a structure that represents the views and positions of the public into a structure that represents public interest in relation to power. It is becoming the key instrument in the organisation of political life and rendering meaning to it. At the same time the activity of the mass media arrests and paralyses the activity of the individual. People could themselves find out what the mass media provides, but at a considerably higher cost in time, energy and money. Thus the mass media deprives us of the will to learn and act independently. [.]
The article attempts to show how the role of the mass media is changing in the field of politics today: it is no longer the institution that informs society or provides us with values and norms of behaviour and understanding, but itself becomes a political and ideological agent that exists in parallel with the political parties, competes with them and attempts to replace them in the political field. In modern society, the ideological expansion is only possible as media expansion. For this reason political parties or their ideologies compete today not only among themselves, but are also forced to compete with the mass media as a political power with an ideology of its own. Although it is hard to define (which is characteristic of the political structure of postmodern times), it influence on the society, its preferences in politics, and its choices of values is intensive and effective. As the mass media perceives its power and its new political and ideological opportunities, in the near future we will be forced to put up with it not only as the structure organising the flow of information, but also as an independent political agent with its own political interest, organization structure and interests directed at the processes of political decision- making, and not at the elucidation of those processes via the channels of information. In this way the mass media is changing and turning from a structure that represents the views and positions of the public into a structure that represents public interest in relation to power. It is becoming the key instrument in the organisation of political life and rendering meaning to it. At the same time the activity of the mass media arrests and paralyses the activity of the individual. People could themselves find out what the mass media provides, but at a considerably higher cost in time, energy and money. Thus the mass media deprives us of the will to learn and act independently. [.]
The Biafra war as an event offers a variety of angles from which it could be analysed, though this topic, apart from the dimensions of genocide or humanitarian crises, has never been much in the interest of scholars. On the one hand, it could be related to the lack of real facts as many figures and stories were fabricated during the war; on the other hand, as John K. Wa'Njogu would say, any story from Africa is not interesting if it is not an exceptional and aberrational news level. However, there have been several partly related articles about mass communication, propaganda and public relations during the Biafra war, but most of them have been taking the Western point of view, at the same time misjudging the role of the Biafran leader Ojukwu and his input in forming the propaganda apparatus by using approved propaganda guidelines from the West and adapting it to local realities. According to Scot Macdonald, the Biafra war was a war of images fought in the court of public opinion, which was won by Biafra, though the war was lost in the military and political arena. Ojukwu fairly quickly recognized the importance of controlling information and the power of messages delivered via mass communication channels, while Nigerian officials had never fully grasped the importance of this coverage. Therefore, Ojukwu built a team from local and Western professional propagandists and PR specialists whose main task was to find a proper angle of propaganda that could help to win this asymmetric war. The first attempts to use political emancipation of the oppressed people, religious, pogrom and genocide angles had limited success, but the image of starving and dying children was a very new angle, which, with the help of mass communication, helped to deliver the message to a much broader public arena. [.]
The Biafra war as an event offers a variety of angles from which it could be analysed, though this topic, apart from the dimensions of genocide or humanitarian crises, has never been much in the interest of scholars. On the one hand, it could be related to the lack of real facts as many figures and stories were fabricated during the war; on the other hand, as John K. Wa'Njogu would say, any story from Africa is not interesting if it is not an exceptional and aberrational news level. However, there have been several partly related articles about mass communication, propaganda and public relations during the Biafra war, but most of them have been taking the Western point of view, at the same time misjudging the role of the Biafran leader Ojukwu and his input in forming the propaganda apparatus by using approved propaganda guidelines from the West and adapting it to local realities. According to Scot Macdonald, the Biafra war was a war of images fought in the court of public opinion, which was won by Biafra, though the war was lost in the military and political arena. Ojukwu fairly quickly recognized the importance of controlling information and the power of messages delivered via mass communication channels, while Nigerian officials had never fully grasped the importance of this coverage. Therefore, Ojukwu built a team from local and Western professional propagandists and PR specialists whose main task was to find a proper angle of propaganda that could help to win this asymmetric war. The first attempts to use political emancipation of the oppressed people, religious, pogrom and genocide angles had limited success, but the image of starving and dying children was a very new angle, which, with the help of mass communication, helped to deliver the message to a much broader public arena. [.]
The Biafra war as an event offers a variety of angles from which it could be analysed, though this topic, apart from the dimensions of genocide or humanitarian crises, has never been much in the interest of scholars. On the one hand, it could be related to the lack of real facts as many figures and stories were fabricated during the war; on the other hand, as John K. Wa'Njogu would say, any story from Africa is not interesting if it is not an exceptional and aberrational news level. However, there have been several partly related articles about mass communication, propaganda and public relations during the Biafra war, but most of them have been taking the Western point of view, at the same time misjudging the role of the Biafran leader Ojukwu and his input in forming the propaganda apparatus by using approved propaganda guidelines from the West and adapting it to local realities. According to Scot Macdonald, the Biafra war was a war of images fought in the court of public opinion, which was won by Biafra, though the war was lost in the military and political arena. Ojukwu fairly quickly recognized the importance of controlling information and the power of messages delivered via mass communication channels, while Nigerian officials had never fully grasped the importance of this coverage. Therefore, Ojukwu built a team from local and Western professional propagandists and PR specialists whose main task was to find a proper angle of propaganda that could help to win this asymmetric war. The first attempts to use political emancipation of the oppressed people, religious, pogrom and genocide angles had limited success, but the image of starving and dying children was a very new angle, which, with the help of mass communication, helped to deliver the message to a much broader public arena. [.]
The Biafra war as an event offers a variety of angles from which it could be analysed, though this topic, apart from the dimensions of genocide or humanitarian crises, has never been much in the interest of scholars. On the one hand, it could be related to the lack of real facts as many figures and stories were fabricated during the war; on the other hand, as John K. Wa'Njogu would say, any story from Africa is not interesting if it is not an exceptional and aberrational news level. However, there have been several partly related articles about mass communication, propaganda and public relations during the Biafra war, but most of them have been taking the Western point of view, at the same time misjudging the role of the Biafran leader Ojukwu and his input in forming the propaganda apparatus by using approved propaganda guidelines from the West and adapting it to local realities. According to Scot Macdonald, the Biafra war was a war of images fought in the court of public opinion, which was won by Biafra, though the war was lost in the military and political arena. Ojukwu fairly quickly recognized the importance of controlling information and the power of messages delivered via mass communication channels, while Nigerian officials had never fully grasped the importance of this coverage. Therefore, Ojukwu built a team from local and Western professional propagandists and PR specialists whose main task was to find a proper angle of propaganda that could help to win this asymmetric war. The first attempts to use political emancipation of the oppressed people, religious, pogrom and genocide angles had limited success, but the image of starving and dying children was a very new angle, which, with the help of mass communication, helped to deliver the message to a much broader public arena. [.]
The Biafra war as an event offers a variety of angles from which it could be analysed, though this topic, apart from the dimensions of genocide or humanitarian crises, has never been much in the interest of scholars. On the one hand, it could be related to the lack of real facts as many figures and stories were fabricated during the war; on the other hand, as John K. Wa'Njogu would say, any story from Africa is not interesting if it is not an exceptional and aberrational news level. However, there have been several partly related articles about mass communication, propaganda and public relations during the Biafra war, but most of them have been taking the Western point of view, at the same time misjudging the role of the Biafran leader Ojukwu and his input in forming the propaganda apparatus by using approved propaganda guidelines from the West and adapting it to local realities. According to Scot Macdonald, the Biafra war was a war of images fought in the court of public opinion, which was won by Biafra, though the war was lost in the military and political arena. Ojukwu fairly quickly recognized the importance of controlling information and the power of messages delivered via mass communication channels, while Nigerian officials had never fully grasped the importance of this coverage. Therefore, Ojukwu built a team from local and Western professional propagandists and PR specialists whose main task was to find a proper angle of propaganda that could help to win this asymmetric war. The first attempts to use political emancipation of the oppressed people, religious, pogrom and genocide angles had limited success, but the image of starving and dying children was a very new angle, which, with the help of mass communication, helped to deliver the message to a much broader public arena. [.]
