Suchergebnisse

The aim of the article: Despite the fact that everything we know in Polish history about the emergence of Solidarity [Polish: Solidarność], Polish trade unions, in 1980-1981, and the confl ict with the communist totalitarian regime is described in sources as 'the Polish Crisis', the question remains open about the contemporaneous deepening communication crisis of the communist government in Lithuania, whose history had long – until the middle of the 20th century – been very closely linked to the development of Poland. From 1951 to 1989, Lithuania was separated from Poland by a double barbed-wire Soviet border barrier without any border crossing points. Nevertheless, the author proposes delving into what type of information control measures the Soviet regime used in infl uencing the Lithuanian people by undermining their interest in the workers' strikes and the expanding trade union movement in Poland 40 years ago, trying to set Lithuanians against Polish society, and also how the media in the West helped renew the dialogue between Lithuanian and Polish diaspora organisations. Research methods: The author performed a content analysis of KGB documents in the Lithuanian Special Archives and examined the content of the Lithuanian SSR mass media and the mass media of the Lithuanian diaspora in the United States. Results and conclusions: The Soviet concept of security that was implemented by the repressive structure of the KGB was largely associated with the restriction of information, censorship and self-censorship of the population. However, it was also associated with the recruitment of Lithuanian citizens into ongoing cooperation with the secret service to collect data about Polish people who were 'disloyal' to the regime and transfer information to the security service of communist Poland, so the content of these reports must be disclosed. Cognitive value: Thus, the article provides the broader context, in which the content of the propaganda press is only one element of the system that controlled the public space.

The aim of the article: Despite the fact that everything we know in Polish history about the emergence of Solidarity [Polish: Solidarność], Polish trade unions, in 1980-1981, and the confl ict with the communist totalitarian regime is described in sources as 'the Polish Crisis', the question remains open about the contemporaneous deepening communication crisis of the communist government in Lithuania, whose history had long – until the middle of the 20th century – been very closely linked to the development of Poland. From 1951 to 1989, Lithuania was separated from Poland by a double barbed-wire Soviet border barrier without any border crossing points. Nevertheless, the author proposes delving into what type of information control measures the Soviet regime used in infl uencing the Lithuanian people by undermining their interest in the workers' strikes and the expanding trade union movement in Poland 40 years ago, trying to set Lithuanians against Polish society, and also how the media in the West helped renew the dialogue between Lithuanian and Polish diaspora organisations. Research methods: The author performed a content analysis of KGB documents in the Lithuanian Special Archives and examined the content of the Lithuanian SSR mass media and the mass media of the Lithuanian diaspora in the United States. Results and conclusions: The Soviet concept of security that was implemented by the repressive structure of the KGB was largely associated with the restriction of information, censorship and self-censorship of the population. However, it was also associated with the recruitment of Lithuanian citizens into ongoing cooperation with the secret service to collect data about Polish people who were 'disloyal' to the regime and transfer information to the security service of communist Poland, so the content of these reports must be disclosed. Cognitive value: Thus, the article provides the broader context, in which the content of the propaganda press is only one element of the system that controlled the public space.

Purpose of the study: The advent of digital media along with the recent boom of smartphones has changed the atlas of communication. The ubiquity of Social media has led to its increased use in all aspects of communication as against conventional media. Politics is not an exception. The role of social media in political discourses, engagement, and mobilization is widely realized and practiced and has become an important mode of political communication in India. In this paper, we explore the current academic corpus on political communication in the context of social media. Methodology: The narrative literature review method proposed by Green, Johnson, and Adams (2006) was employed as the method for this article. Relevant peer-reviewed papers published during the period 2011-18 were considered for the narrative review. Appropriate papers were selected by a Google Scholar search using the keywords 'Social media', 'India' and 'political communication. Main Findings: The broad aim of the present paper was to explore the current academic literature in the field of social media and political communication. The narrative literature review undertaken indicates scant work with limited focus on the broader issues. Social media influence on voting behavior and political engagement was the well-explored domain, but the determinants and uniqueness of such communication have not been explored. Applications of this study: The indications from the review showcase that the magnitude and essence of political communication have changed through the years. The spectrum of political communication through social media has a great role in political and civic engagement. This study will be useful to the researchers in the field of mass communication, journalism, and political science. Novelty/Originality of this study: The conventional mainstream media and social media are increasingly showing a pattern of convergence and mutual exclusiveness. One of the critical findings from the review is that the gender domains of social media and political communication in India have not been given much attention and empirical evidence is scanty. Future research in the field of social media in India should focus on the gendered spheres of political communication.

Работа посвящена исследованию социально-конструирующего потенциала политической партии в условиях демократического режима. Политическая партия рассматривается как социальная сила, способная обеспечить полноценное влияние гражданского общества на политические процессы. Кроме проблемы функциональности политических партий устанавливается также характер влияния средств массовой информации на социальные процессы в политической сфере. ; The article studies the socio-constructing resources of a political party in the conditions of democratic regime. A political party is considered as a social force capable to organize the influence of the civil society on the political processes. Besides the problem of political parties' functioning, the author discusses how the mass media affect the social processes in the political sphere.

Since covid-19 has become pandemic, an abundance of coronavirus news fills the mass media throughout the world. The pandemic is constructed verbally from various perspectives for many purposes. In Indonesia, the discourse of the pandemic is not only about the disease, but also about other social issues related to the pandemic. Through certain discourses, the text producers may present various meanings. This study purposes to uncover social meanings presented in the discourses constructed by the mass media regarding the Indonesian government policies to cut the Covid-19 pandemic. Using a critical discourse analysis approach, the researchers analyze clauses containing three terms: Isolasi Mandiri, PSBB, and local lockdown from 28 downloaded texts. The focus of analysis is on the selection of lexico-grammar used to represent the policies to cut the chain of the pandemic. The result shows that there are three patterns in positioning participants regarding who has to take the responsibility for the implementation of the policies. The discourse about Isolasi Mandiri position residents as a party who has to be responsible and the government was positioned as the controller. The discourse of PSBB has positioned the government as a party that conducts and controls the implementation of the policies. The discourse of local lockdown represented that the policy was only as planning urged by the NGO and has not been conducted by the government. The context influencing the discourse is the socio-economic context. The discourses also show that the way media represented the policies is in line with the government agenda.

This study covers EU perceptions by different groups of Kazakhstani elites. The significance of the research is supported by the growing cooperation of Kazakhstan and the EU (for example, the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, 2015). Furthermore, the Kazakhstani perceptions of the EU are recognized understudied. Simultaneously, some controversy can be observed between the alleged and the real perception of the EU abroad. Methodologically, in order to study elite perceptions, the thesis consists of two levels of analysis. First, the study relies on qualitative content analysis (QCA) of the mass media articles, namely, Kazakhstanskaya Pravda and Tengrinews portal, with 86 articles in total published during the 2015-2017 period. Second, with the help of QCA it reflects on the author-conducted interviews with media and business elites, civil society and experts/ academics in October-December 2017. According to my analysis, the EU-Kazakhstan relations are perceived positively by both different parts of the Kazakhstani elite and different sources of data, namely, the mass media and the author-conducted interviews. The perception of the EU as a normative power is quite ambiguous while the image of the EU as an economic power is prominent. This topic should be included into the further studies to enhance mutual understanding and cooperation between Kazakhstan and the EU. The results may help IR scholars, policymakers as well as general public to broaden the horizon of the understanding of the EU international identity.

Mass media and journalism played an important role in the reproduction of stereotypes and biased interpretation of the migratory phenomenon. The main goal of this contribution is to verify the consistency of the discourse about migration in Italian journalism over different media. Therefore, in this study the authors will focus on documentaries screened by the Italian National Public Television (Rai). The corpus is composed by three movies: two by Valerio Cataldi and one by Amedeo Ricucci. Cataldi's movies were produced and aired by Tg2 under the patronage of UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees). They depict two different aspects of migrants' experience. In La neve la prima volta, the author focuses on the stories of four survivors from the Lampedusa dump occurred on 3 October 2013, which caused 366 deaths. Quando Youssef si mise in cammino narrates the story of Yousef and his three friends in their journey from Afghanistan to Austria in search of asylum. Similarly, La lunga marcia by Amedeo Ricucci follows the journey of Syrian refugees in their attempt to reach Europe during summer of 2015. The three movies cross a wide set of issues regarding migration in Italy and the EU, such as the construction of European external and internal borders; policies and practices of migrant management; human rights; racism and prejudice towards foreigners. The main goal of the contribution is to employ the means of discourse analysis to reflect on multimodal discourse about migration and its role in the social construction of refugees and migrants.Keywords: discourse, migrations, racism, mass media, documentary.

The author is focused on the phenomenon of a «new national question» that came to the top of agenda during the last several decades. The article analyzes the reasons for its appearance, its difference from traditional factors creating national problems and provoking inter-national antagonisms. A.Galkin studies mass migration flows heading from the third world countries to the most developed states of the Western Europe against the background of globalization, rapid development of mass-media (the awareness of different living standards is now occurring everywhere), qualitative perfection of means of transportation, etc. The author does not forget about social, socio-psychological, and political (including electoral) consequences of the «new national question».

The paper presents such basic units of cognitive linguistics as frame, script, and concept from the perspective of theories and concepts introduced by leading scientists. It introduces some results of the construction of the nominative field of the concept "threat". The research featured the concept "threat" in the political mass media discourse as a universal means of speech influence. The lexical units under analysis belonged both to the core and periphery of the nominative field of the concept. The authors defined the most frequent scripts of the concept "threat", both general and particular, e. g. direct threat, indirect threat, explicit threat, and implicit threat. Their structural characteristics were based on the examples from D. Trump's statements. The most characteristic attributes of the concept "threat" proved to be verbs of destructive semantics, nuclear lexemes of the concept field, etc. This article reflects the features of the verbal representation of the concept "threat", as well as the purposes of the speech act of threat as a universal leverage in the modern political communication. ; В настоящей статье рассматриваются основные единицы когнитивной лингвистики (фрейм, сценарий и концепт) с позиции теорий и концепций известных ученых и ведущих специалистов в данной области, а также роль концепта threat в современном политическом медиадискурсе как универсального средства речевого воздействия. Представляются результаты построения номинативного поля концепта threat, выявленные в ходе исследования лексических единиц, принадлежащих как к ядру, так и к периферии номинативного поля указанного концепта. Выводятся и подробно рассматриваются наиболее частотные сценарии угрозы (общий и частные: прямая угроза, косвенная угроза, открытая угроза, скрытая угроза); дается их характеристика; приводятся примеры, взятые из недавних высказываний Д. Трампа. На основании анализа вышеупомянутых высказываний выявляются наиболее характерные атрибуты концепта threat, а именно глаголы деструктивной семантики, ядерные лексемы поля концепта и др. Данная статья отражает особенности вербальной репрезентации концепта threat и цели использования речевого акта угрозы как универсального инструмента воздействия в современной политической коммуникации.

В статье рассматривается участие саратовской прессы в мировоззренческом, нравственном, трудовом воспитании и политическом образовании молодежи. Анализ газетных материалов позволил выявить наиболее частотные журналистские жанры, использовавшиеся в идеологической пропаганде 1920-30-х годов. Отмечено, что тематическое своеобразие статей определялось политикой СССР, односторонностью её классового подхода. Все это демонстрирует процесс огосударствления СМИ. ; The article deals with the participation of Saratov press in the worldview, moral, labour and political education of young people. The analysis of the newspaper articles revealed the most frequent journalistic genres that were used in the ideological propaganda of the 1920-30s. It is noted that the thematic originality of the articles was determined by the policy of the USSR, the one-sidedness of its class approach. All this demonstrates the process of the governmentalization of mass media.

BACKGROUND: To control the COVID-19 pandemic, governments need to ensure a successful large-scale administration of COVID-19 vaccines when safe and efficacious vaccines become available. Vaccine acceptance could be a critical factor influencing vaccine uptake. Health information has been associated with vaccine acceptance. For college students who are embracing a digital era and being exposed to multimedia, the sources of COVID-19 vaccine information and their trust in these sources may play an important role in shaping their acceptance of vaccine uptake. METHODS: In September 2020, we conducted an online survey among 1062 college students in South Carolina to understand their perceptions and attitudes toward COVID-19 vaccination. Descriptive analysis and linear regression analysis were used to investigate vaccine information sources among college students and examine how COVID-19 vaccine acceptance was associated with information source and trust level in each source. RESULTS: The top three sources of COVID-19 vaccine information were health agencies (57.7%), mass media (49.5%), and personal social networks (40.5%). About 83.1% of the participants largely or always trusted scientists, 73.9% trusted healthcare providers, and 70.2% trusted health agencies. After controlling for key demographics, vaccine acceptance was positively associated with scientists as information sources but negatively associated with pharmaceutical companies as sources. Higher trust levels in mass media, health agencies, scientists, and pharmaceutical companies was significantly associated with higher COVID-19 vaccine acceptance. However, trust in social media was negatively associated with vaccine acceptance. DISCUSSION: College students use multiple sources to learn about upcoming COVID-19 vaccines including health agencies, personal networks, and social media. The level of trust in these information sources play a critical role in predicting vaccine acceptance. Trust in health authorities and scientists rather than social media is ...

This paper critiques ethnopolitical journalism in televised political analyses of the 2017 electoral process in Kenya. Ethnopolitical journalism is a reporting model characterised by a focus on ethnicity when analysing and describing political situations; leading to ethnic identity formation in the society that places mass media at economic vantage point. Motivated by mediatized ethnicity, Kenyans find themselves perpetually under normalised ethnopolitics and ethnopolitical journalism is a major strategy in the mainstream media. Fourteen televised political analysis shows; from major television channels were examined. The analysis targeted prioritised and dominant topics of discussion, the composition of the panels; the most discussed presidential candidates and the moderator's leads toward a particular direction during the analyses. The findings show that in all the televised political analysis shows, all members of the panel are drawn from the five ethnic groups. Moreover, all priority topics target the two supposedly major political sides (NASA and Jubilee); whose principals and deputies come from the five ethnic groups. It was also noted that every discussion from different Television channels are narrowed deliberately by the moderator to discuss about Raila Odinga and Uhuru Kenyatta, thus, ignoring all other presidential candidates, their political parties and areas considered their strongholds. These findings reveal the media's deliberate choices of house styles and reporting models during the electoral periods in Kenya. The study concludes that media has been the high priest of ethnicity normalization culture that has shaped the political mindset of Africa to the extent of undermining its transformative leadership. The findings add to the research critical of media practice and political economy of mass media reporting during electioneering periods. Key Terms: Ethnopolitical Journalism, Ethnopolitics, Horserace Journalism, Mediatized ethnicity, Televised

There is no doubt that we live in exciting times: Ours is the age of many 'silent revolutions' triggered by startups and research labs of big IT companies; revolutions that quietly and profoundly alter the world we live in. Another ten or five years, and self-tracking will be as normal and inevitable as having a Facebook account or a mobile phone. Our bodies, hooked to wearable devices sitting directly at or beneath the skin, will constantly transmit data to the big aggregation in the cloud. Permanent recording and automatic sharing will provide unabridged memory, both shareable and analyzable. The digitization of everything will allow for comprehensive quantification; predictive analytics and algorithmic regulation will prove themselves effective and indispensable ways to govern modern mass society. Given such prospects, it is neither too early to speculate on the possible futures of digital media nor too soon to remember how we expected it to develop ten, or twenty years ago. The observations shared in this book take the form of conversations about digital media and culture centered around four distinct thematic fields: politics and government, algorithm and censorship, art and aesthetics, as well as media literacy and education. Among the keywords discussed are: data mining, algorithmic regulation, sharing culture, filter bubble, distant reading, power browsing, deep attention, transparent reader, interactive art, participatory culture. The interviewees (mostly from the US, but also from France, Brazil, and Denmark) were given a set of common questions as well specific inquiries tailored to their individual areas of interest and expertise. As a result, the book both identifies different takes on the same issues and enables a diversity of perspectives when it comes to the interviewees' particular concerns. Among the questions offered to everybody were: What is your favored neologism of digital media culture? If you could go back in history of new media and digital culture in order to prevent something from happening or somebody from doing something, what or who would it be? If you were a minister of education, what would you do about media literacy? What is the economic and political force of personalization and transparency in digital media and what is its personal and cultural cost? Other recurrent questions address the relationship between cyberspace and government, the Googlization, quantification and customization of everything, and the culture of sharing and transparency. The section on art and aesthetics evaluates the former hopes for hypertext and hyperfiction, the political facet of digital art, the transition from the "passive" to "active" and from "social" to "transparent reading"; the section on media literacy discusses the loss of deep reading, the prospect of "distant reading" and "algorithmic criticism" as well as the response of the university to the upheaval of new media and the expectations or misgivings towards the rise of the Digital Humanities.

Democracy in Fiji has been top-down where primarily the middle class and the wealthy elite have understood its true merits and values. Politicians, professionals, academics and civil society organisations, rather than the grassroots population, have been at the forefront of advocating against coups. Democracy was described as a 'foreign flower' by ethno-nationalists for two decades. Some critics see it as having failed to work properly in Fiji because a lack of infrastructure and development means grassroots people are not sufficiently informed to make critical decisions and hold leaders accountable. This, and a lack of unity, led to a failure of widespread protests against coups. Civil society, political activists and individuals were isolated in their struggle against coups. The media has been a key player in anti-coup protests as it relayed information that enabled networking and partnership. Media censorship since April 2009 has restricted their role and violated citizens' Right to Information. This article argues that for democracy to work, the infrastructure and communications technology needs to reach the masses so people are adequately informed through an uncensored media.

ilustraciones, gráficos, tablas ; El trabajo aborda los vínculos entre comunicación y política en el cubrimiento que hacen los medios de comunicación de la política exterior de un país. Aquí se presentan los resultados del estudio de caso sobre las relaciones entre Colombia y Estados Unidos entre 2010 y 2012; a partir del seguimiento y registro sistemático de la información emitida por tres medios colombianos durante este período, se analizan los tipos de nexos que se establecen entre la agenda gubernamental y la agenda mediática. Los hallazgos permiten concluir que, respecto a la independencia periodística, existen diferencias significativas que se explican por la variación en los formatos informativos, las rutinas periodísticas y los intereses ideológicos, económicos y/o políticos de cada medio. (Texto tomado de la fuente). ; The work addresses the links between communication and politics in the media coverage of a country's foreign policy. Here we present the results of the case study on relations between Colombia and the United States between 2010 and 2012; Based on the systematic monitoring and recording of the information issued by three Colombian media during this period, the types of links established between the government agenda and the media agenda are analyzed. The findings allow us to conclude that, with respect to journalistic independence, there are significant differences that are explained by the variation in information formats, journalistic routines and the ideological, economic and / or political interests of each medium. ; Incluye anexos ; Maestría ; Magíster en Estudios Políticos ; Relaciones internacionales