Suchergebnisse

Publication of a conference held at AZAD Centre, Sliema, on February 17, 1978. ; Among the new States, Malta has one of the longest, almost uninterrupted traditions of press freedom and, for her size, is lucky to have had a variety of newspaper opinion. It was two well-known British liberals, John Austin and George Cornwall Lewis, who responding to appeals by the Maltese leader Giorgio Mitrovich, strongly recommended the grant of press freedom to the colony. That was in 1838, when the first papers and periodicals began to be published. Before that time we can hardly say that there was a journalistic tradition at all. The Order of st. John had a printing press in the eighteenth century, but this was mainly for official works. Besides, censorship always hung over Malta's head: in the mid-seventeenth century the Grand Master had opted to close a printing press instead of having to put up with interference from the Pope and Inquisitor who insisted on nihil obstat rights in any printed matter associated with religion or the church. During the brief period of French rule over Malta, from 1798 to 1800, a vaguely Bonapartist paper, Le Journal de Malte, was published; but again this was an official gazette rather than a newspaper. It was all 'liberty, equality and fraternity'; and woe to anybody who disagreed. The same style of paper, a government gazette, continued to be published in the first decades of British rule, first in Italian only, and subsequently in Italian and English until in the early twentieth century Maltese too made an appearance in it. Apart from this, in the period before 1838, very few people managed to get anything controversial printed. One was an Italian refugee; the others were Protestant missionaries. Otherwise the only way to get printed matter distributed in Malta was to have it printed in Italy or elsewhere outside the Island, at least until 1839. ; peer-reviewed

Today's free market of industry mass media isn't quite the same as the laissez-faire approach of the robber barons of the nineteenth century because it now often is noteworthy for effi cient use of the government's powers to support the strategies and profi ts media business. Even if public resources – such as the national forests – are thereby harmed. Given both the need for equity of access and the lack of acceptable spectacles alternatives, there seems to be no viable alternative to the mass media taking on this responsibility as fully as is necessary. Such an ethical obligation clearly stems from both the utilitarian concern for providing the greatest benefi t for the greatest number of people and emphasis on protecting the most vulnerable members of the community. It can also be argue cogently that if social responsibility means anything at all, it means fi nding a way to avoid creating a clearly defi ned group of second-class citizen in an information industry media.

Lively and well written, Bread and Circuses analyzes theories that have treated mass culture as either a symptom or a cause of social decadence. Discussing many of the most influential and representative theories of mass culture, it ranges widely from Greek and Roman origins, through Marx, Nietzsche, Freud, Ortega y Gasset, T. S. Eliot, and the theorists of the Frankfurt Institute, down to Marshall McLuhan and Daniel Bell, Brantlinger considers the many versions of negative classicism and shows how the belief in the historical inevitability of social decay—a belief today perpetuated by the mass media themselves—has become the dominant view of mass culture in our time. While not defending mass culture in its present form, Brantlinger argues that the view of culture implicit in negative classicism obscures the question of how the media can best be used to help achieve freedom and enlightenment on a truly democratic basis.

Lively and well written, Bread and Circuses analyzes theories that have treated mass culture as either a symptom or a cause of social decadence. Discussing many of the most influential and representative theories of mass culture, it ranges widely from Greek and Roman origins, through Marx, Nietzsche, Freud, Ortega y Gasset, T. S. Eliot, and the theorists of the Frankfurt Institute, down to Marshall McLuhan and Daniel Bell, Brantlinger considers the many versions of negative classicism and shows how the belief in the historical inevitability of social decay--a belief today perpetuated by the mass media themselves--has become the dominant view of mass culture in our time. While not defending mass culture in its present form, Brantlinger argues that the view of culture implicit in negative classicism obscures the question of how the media can best be used to help achieve freedom and enlightenment on a truly democratic basis.

A review of the important role played by limited-distribution bulletins in informing the Polish leadership about domestic and foreign affairs. These bulletins include translations of international wire service reports, transcripts of Western radio broadcasts into Poland, and reprints of articles censored from the mass media. Controls on what is published in these bulletins are looser and more indirect than those on the mass media; the leadership generally uses them for its own information but does not decide what should appear in them. While bulletins are not the only source of unpublished information in Poland, they do have a significant impact on policymaking and the thinking of political leaders. This study is a portion of a broad study of Polish media, summarized in R-2627. Other parts of the study are reported in N-1514/1, N-1514/2, N-1514/3, N-1514/5, and N-1514/6.

Reuse of record except for individual research requires license from Congressional Information Service, Inc. ; "June 1977." ; At head of title: 95th Congress, 1st session. Committee print. ; CIS Microfiche Accession Numbers: CIS 77 S382-17 ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Microfiche. ; Mode of access: Internet.