The "public sphere" -- an idea with deep roots in the European enlightenment -- has always been a contested concept in American culture and society. American intellectuals, artists, politicians, and activists have stressed the non-unitary, diversified, and oppositional dynamics of all things public. From the early days of the American republic, competing interest groups and commercial mass media (first newspapers, novels, and the theater, then radio, television, and the internet) have worked to pluralize public speech and public action -- and ultimately the notion of "publicness" itself. This essay collection explores the public sphere in North America as a multi-agential, commercially embattled, highly mediated, and ultimately trans-nationalized aggregate of publics and counterpublics. The contributors present innovative theoretical and historical assessments of American counter/publics across an array of fields including social activism, political communication, literary discourse, and contemporary mass media.
In questo contributo, mi occupo dei cambiamenti avutisi nel linguaggio dei politici in Italia nell’ultimo ventennio. Tali modificazioni sono dovute, naturalmente, a più fattori ma, è fuori dubbio, il ruolo giocato da Silvio Berlusconi e dai mass-media. Inoltre, la crisi finanziaria dalla quale l’Europa meridionale non è ancora uscita e il terrorismo internazionale hanno contribuito assai fortemente. ; This contribution focuses on the changes and developments of political language in Italy in the last twenty years. These changes can obviously be attributed to many different factors, but there is no doubt of the role Silvio Berlusconi and the mass media have played in it. At the same time, the financial crisis from which Southern Europe has not yet recovered and international terrorism have also intensively contributed to these changes.
In the context of globalization, Russia's need to develop a modern "communicational image machine" akin to the so-called humanitarian technologies employed by Western countries to protect their interests abroad is discussed. This need to project the appropriate national image has existed since the breakup of the USSR. Creating this image must begin with the Russian mass media, particularly television; an intelligent information policy is required. It is then asserted that Russia's negative image has its impetus in the Western mass media and information centers, which propagate anti-Russian stereotypes to weaken Russia's political and economic position. Some efforts toward tackling this problem are noted. While creating a complex of humanitarian technologies is critical for the future, Russia must first update and increase the payoff from existing tools to generate an adequate image globally. In light of the negative impact that misuse of communication and information systems can have on international relations, a code of conduct is suggested.
I show the intimate connection between the actions of the justices and support for the Supreme Court during one of the most critical periods of U.S. political history, the four months of 1937 during which Franklin D. Roosevelt sought legislation to "pack" the high bench with friendly personnel. Over the period from 3 February through 10 June 1937, the Gallup Poll queried national samples on 18 separate occasions about FDR's plan. These observations constitute the core of my analyses. I demonstrate the crucial influence of judicial behavior and the mass media in shaping public opinion toward the Supreme Court. This research illuminates the dynamics of public support for the justices, contributes to a clearer understanding of an important historical episode, shows the considerable impact of the mass media on public attitudes toward the Court, and adds more evidence on the role of political events in the making of public opinion.
How high is the price of freedom of speech, and who exactly is paying for it? Hate speech is abusive, insulting, intimidating and harassing, it may lead to violence, hatred or discrimination, and it kills. Asks whether there are circumstances in which speech should be censored, or even criminalized, to protect the vulnerable, and looks at the role of the media in provoking the flight of Gypsies from Slovakia and the Czech Republic, hate radio in Rwanda, the Patriot militia movement's new language of hate in the USA, media hate speech in the former Yugoslavia, and the banning of revisionist Nazi history in Germany. Five articles.
SOME OF THE DILEMMAS AND CONTRADICTIONS EXPERIENCED BY THE SHAPERS OF CULTURE ENGAGED IN THE EMANCIPATION OF CHILE ARE DISCUSSED. WAYS TO BRIDGE THE STRUCTURAL CHASMS BETWEEN THE INTELLECTUAL AND POPULAR COUNTERCULTURE, MASS MEDIA, AND WAYS TO DEFINE THE TASK OF ART AS A PHENOMENON THAT WENT BEYOND THE DOMAIN OF PROPAGANDA ARE STUDIED. THE CULTURAL REPRESSION FOLLOWING 1973 IS REVIEWED, AND INTELLECTUAL OPPOSITION CONSIDERED. A REEVALUATION OF THE TRADITIONAL ROLE OF THE INTELLECTUAL IS OFFERED. FUTURE DANGERS TO INTELLECTUAL OPPOSITION ARE MEASURED AND WAYS TO AVOID THEM OFFERED.
[eng] This dissertation analyses the effects of information on corruption cases on citizens’ electoral behaviour and the media coverage of those scandals. Corruption, defined as the abuse of public office for private gain, has lately become a very prolific research field in both academic and policy areas. Considering the main factors driving corruption, some studies have identified democratic systems as a hurdle to political scandals. Advanced democratic institutions tend to be associated with higher transparency and better political accountability mechanisms, which are the channels through which they accomplish lower levels of corruption. Factors such as an independent judiciary, press freedom, and free elections are key elements that define an advanced democracy. This thesis is composed by three empirical studies. The study presented in Chapter 2 analyses how information on local corruption affected local electoral outcomes in Spanish municipalities between 1999 and 2007, a period characterised by the surge in local scandals. We use a novel database on those corruption cases to estimate an incumbent's vote share equation, accounting for the omission of popularity shocks, something that is lacking in prior studies. As an additional enrichment to the literature we have into consideration the degree of attention that the media devoted to each case and when the judiciary was involved in the scandal, analysing whether voters react to the amount of information and to information regarding the seriousness of the case. Thus, we account for the complementarity of these institutions in the fight against corruption. Chapter 3 studies how corruption affects voter turnout using information on local scandals occurring in Spain between 1999 and 2007 and survey data. This analysis has the advantage over the previous literature as it relies on a research strategy for differentiating between the ‘mobilisation’ and ‘disaffection’ effects of corruption on voter turnout. To the best of our knowledge this is the first study that is able to analyse empirically how these two effects are influenced by partisan leanings or corruption at different times, untangling the conclusions of earlier studies. Chapter 4 studies the media coverage of 165 Spanish local scandals spanning between 2004 and 2007 by national and regional newspapers. It analyses the incentives that media outlets may have to bias the information they report on those scandals. The literature has identified ideological slant and capture on the part of the government as two political elements that may bias media coverage of scandals. The study presented in chapter 4 is an improvement respect previous papers since it analyses both ideological slant and media capture as complementary factors rather than independent drivers of media bias. As an additional contribution we also consider the role of government’s popularity on the coverage of scandals. The three empirical studies that compose this thesis provide strong evidence that, even under a biased provision of news, Spanish voters are willing to electorally punish corrupt practices. Together with the significant number of cases recently unveiled by media and investigations undertaken by individuals or citizens’ organizations through different digital platforms, we can be optimistic about the evaluation of practices to control corruption. The promotion of policies that endorse media freedom and independence would also reduce the influence of political powers on Spanish media. Taken together, these factors would have a clear positive effect on electoral accountability, allowing citizens to obtain the impartial information they need to use elections as a way to constrain corrupt practices.
We analyse the German citizens knowledge about monetary policy and the European Central Bank (ECB), as well as the public s use of mass communication media to obtain information about the ECB. We employ a unique representative public opinion survey of German households conducted in 2011. We find that a person s own desire to be informed about the ECB together with the use of various media channels to keep informed are decisive for both (i) the own perception of knowledge about the ECB and (ii) the actual level of knowledge. The media-related influence differs with a person s level of education and is stronger for subjective knowledge. Women are less interested and knowledgeable. We conclude that the ECB is well advised to continue its education programmes to convince the public of the importance of monetary policy literacy.
Studying Elite Cohesion in Six European Democracies5 Inter-Sectoral Cohesion in Political Communication; Measures of Inter-Sectoral Cohesion; Inter-Sectoral Cohesion from North to South; Principles, Patterns and Stances of Inter-Sectoral Elite Cohesion; Summary: Cohesion between Media and Political Elites; 6 Intra-Sectoral Cohesion of Media and Political Elites; Measures of Intra-Sectoral Cohesion; Attitudinal Congruence on the Sectoral Level; Patterns of Intra-Sectoral Cohesion; Role Specialization; Summary: Intra-Sectoral Cohesion; 7 Elite Cohesion as an Explanatory Factor. - The first comprehensive analysis of the political communication elite - high-ranking journalists, editors, politicians and their communication advisors - that shapes the content and form of political messages, news, debate and decisions in modern democracies