Suchergebnisse

Masovne i nekontrolirane migracije, gledajući s pozicije tranzitnih i zemalja odredišta, predstavljaju veliki, često i izuzetno teško savladiv izazov kojeg mnogi akteri promatraju na bitno različite načine, čime se stvara nepotpuna slika o samoj pojavi. Njih danas uzrokuju mješoviti push i pull faktori – od kombinacije ratnih razaranja, etničkih netrpeljivosti, nedostatka javne sigurnosti, klimatskih promjena, neimaštine do traženja svega suprotnog u odnosu na njihovo postojeće stanje i sredinu. Premda države članice Europske unije zbog demografske obnove i nedostatka radne snage trebaju velik broj useljenika, te države, kao ni Unija u cjelini, nemaju spremne učinkovite i provedive strateške planove, razvijene sposobnosti ni kapacitete za prihvat velikog broja migranata, čemu smo bili svjedoci tijekom 2015. i početkom 2016. godine. U ovom radu predmet istraživanja i analize su migracijske politike i odnosi spram migranata od razine Europske unije, preko pojedinih značajnih država članica do zemalja na tzv. Balkanskoj ruti. ; From the position of transit and destination countries, mass and uncontrolled migrations present large and very often insurmountable challenge, which is observed in fundamentally different ways by different actors. Such situation helps creating an incomplete picture of the phenomenon itself. Today, mass migrations are caused by mixed push and pull factors – from the combination of war, ethnic intolerance, the lack of public security, climate change and poverty to those (pull) factors which signify just the opposite to their (migrants') current situation and environment. Although EU member states need large number of immigrants due to demographic and labor shortages, these countries (and the EU) do not possess available, effective and feasible strategic plans, developed skills or the capacity to accommodate a large number of migrants, as we have already witnessed during 2015 and early 2016. The subject of research and analysis in this paper are migration policies and relations towards migrants at the EU level, the level of certain important member states and countries of the so-called Balkan route.

Valuation of real estate is an important factor in the economic and political development of a modern state. Modern real estate valuation systems at national level are based on spatial data, both cadastral and topographic, which are maintained using advanced technologies -spatial databases in particular. Through adequate modelling, by combining data from the existing databases, it is possible to create a national system for real estate valuation. This paper first gives an elaboration of possible characteristics of a digital terrain model database, and continues to describe an approach to automatic calculation of 3D characteristics, i.e. the slope and the azimuth of a cadastral parcel. The system response time to queries for a single cadastral parcel was measured, as well as for a set of 5100 cadastral parcels, in an implementation based on the Oracle10g spatial database. ; Vrednovanje nekretnina je važan čimbenik u gospodarskom i političkom razvoju moderne države. Moderni sustavi za vrednovanje nekretnina na nacionalnoj razini svugdje su temeljeni na prostornim podacima, kako katastarskog tako i topografskog podrijetla, koji su održavani korištenjem naprednih tehnologija ponajprije prostornih baza podataka. Uz pravilno modeliranje moguće je kombiniranjem podataka iz raspoloživih baza stvoriti i nacionalni sustav za vrednovanje nekretnina. U članku je, nakon obrazloženja mogućih postavki baze digitalnog modela reljefa, opisan pristup automatskom računanju 3D obilježja odnosno nagiba i azimuta pojedine katastarske čestice. Obavljena su i okvirna mjerenja vremena odaziva na upit za jednu katastarsku česticu i za skup od 5100 katastarskih čestica u sustavu ostvarenom na prostornoj bazi podataka Oracle10g.

Mass media produce various communicational products in the form of messages coded in the symbolic language of writing, sound or image, which they distribute through the open public space for unknown users. Unlike the traditional theories, which directed their attention above all to the social effects of media products, the systemic theory inquires into the very process of their production, deeming that precisely the latter is the real reality of mass media: the factual operations which are performed systemically, through application of the binary code of information/non-information, and according to the internal rules of its structure. The real reality, however, is inaccessible to the observer. Consequently, he can gain knowledge of it only in such a way as to construct from the forms in which it appears to him an observed reality as his own perception thereof. The systemic theory suggests that its construction of mass media reality is most congruous with their real reality. Keeping in mind that each observer performs his construction of reality of the thing observed in accordance with his own knowledge and understanding, the author asks himself: where is the evidence of the trustworthiness of such constructions? Adapted from the source document.

With the production of their own media material, the ethnic minorities assume responsibility for opposing the predominant media discourses of the majority culture, and fight for their own distinctiveness and (self)representation within the Croatian media sphere. The ethnic-minority media serve not only the purpose of preserving the socio-cultural values and special features of the minority identity, but also of providing information both to a particular community on the intra-ethnic level and to the majority of the Croatian society regarding the situation, the needs and the rights of the minorities themselves. Thus they represent and convey their interests to the general public. This paper aims to investigate how ethnic minorities are represented in the media and to what extent the ethnic-minority media are represented in the media arena of the Republic of Croatia. The author focuses especially on the city of Zagreb and the minorities which have organized ethnic-minority Councils there. An introductory discussion on the role and influence of the media is followed by an overview of the analysis of ways of reporting on ethnic minorities in the mainstream media of the majority, based on the results of research carried out so far. Furthermore, the paper includes a discussion on the minority media, comprising a tabular outline of print media and digital media (from the Internet domain) of the ethnic-minority communities in the Republic of Croatia. Finally, the author provides an analysis of such a state of affairs regarding the media, and some concluding remarks. Adapted from the source document.

This article analyses the phenomena of spectacularisation, tabloidisation and celebrity culture and their appearance in politics and political arena. It looks at models of the media construction of social reality within the concept of the society of the spectacle. The author argues that celebrity culture as a part of media spectacle is not void of ideologies, but rather the opposite: it is led by market-based ideologies, by desire of commercial sectors in media and advertising to make profit and by commercialisation of politics. Thus, the phenomena that are central to this article are the evidence of the prevailing form of hegemony, which characterises liberal democracy and neoliberal consumerism. Adapted from the source document.

With the production of their own media material, the ethnic minorities assume responsibility for opposing the predominant media discourses of the majority culture, and fight for their own distinctiveness and (self)representation within the Croatian media sphere. The ethnic-minority media serve not only the purpose of preserving the socio-cultural values and special features of the minority identity, but also of providing information both to a particular community on the intra-ethnic level and to the majority of the Croatian society regarding the situation, the needs and the rights of the minorities themselves. Thus they represent and convey their interests to the general public. This paper aims to investigate how ethnic minorities are represented in the media and to what extent the ethnic-minority media are represented in the media arena of the Republic of Croatia. The author focuses especially on the city of Zagreb and the minorities which have organized ethnic-minority Councils there. An introductory discussion on the role and influence of the media is followed by an overview of the analysis of ways of reporting on ethnic minorities in the mainstream media of the majority, based on the results of research carried out so far. Furthermore, the paper includes a discussion on the minority media, comprising a tabular outline of print media and digital media (from the Internet domain) of the ethnic-minority communities in the Republic of Croatia. Finally, the author provides an analysis of such a state of affairs regarding the media, and some concluding remarks. Adapted from the source document.

Departing from the criticisms that have been raised towards the volume Comparing Media Systems (Hallin and Mancini, 2004) I'll try to discuss which consequences the adoption of the "concept" of system may imply for media studies, what its advantages are and what risks. The first part of the article is devoted to discussing how and when the notion of "system" has been used in political science starting from the work of Easton, Almond and Powell and many others. I'll try to highlight which are the main points of strength and weakness and which definitions have been used. Then I'll move to the field of communication studies: here I'll show how there has been a shift from the study of the effects of the message towards a more general approach linking the media to the surrounding context. I will focus mainly on the work of Blumler and Gurvitch who have been among the first scholars to use such a concept in political communication comparative research. Particular attention will be devoted to the discussion of the notion of "system" as deriving from system theory and functionalist approach. The last part of the text is devoted to discussing similarities and differences in the use that political scientists and media scholars have made of the concept of "system". Adapted from the source document.

Using critical theory of media and technology as a theoretical framework, we describe the dialectical interrelation between (media) technology and democratic changes, where new media technology only paved the way to organization and exchange of information during 'Arab Spring', but was not its cause. 'Arab Spring' as the case in point proved a negative correlation between the level of communication technology (new media) and the intensity of protests, according to which a higher level of accessibility to new media led to a lower level of protests. Also, we observe an uneven impact of new media on democratic changes, i.e. internet social networks had a secondary role in creating media news, compared to satellite TV which at an early stage of 'Arab Spring' enabled the actors of online civil society to have an impact on state politics to a large extent. Arab new media cannot yet lead to democratic changes nor explain their causes, but merely alter patterns of mobilization and organization of social and political events. Adapted from the source document.

The unstoppable advance of technology has brought about major changes at the socio-economic level that affect, among other things, the developments & the changes in the media industry. Technological advances have enabled the emergence of a new multimedia environment that has wiped out the traditional boundaries between telecommunications, audiovisual industry & informatics. These advances have been most propitious for the media pluralism & diversity. Due to the interactivity they enable, the individual is no longer a passive user of the media content. Owing to the accelerated process of the production of contents & services, the media market has become strikingly competitive, & the increasing selection of specialized contents has fragmented audiences, causing a drop in the revenues from advertising. These changes have left their mark both on the commercial media & the public service whose choice of programs has conspicuously changed, while the drop in the size of audiences brings into doubt the legitimacy of the compulsory subscription fee & consequently the financial health ie., survival of this public service. The public broadcasting service is faced with a more pronounced identity crisis. Its future can be secured only if it is redefined or restructured & if a new, convergent, multimedia, interactive public service enables citizens to access a broad range of information, knowledge & entertainment. References. Adapted from the source document.

Starting from Agamben's term "Gesture" -- interpreted as "communication of communicability" -- and having in mind links between Gesture & politics, this text opens the possibility of reading Guy Debord's ideas into the heterotopia of the Prologue of "Dundo Maroje" by Croatian Renaissance playwright Marin Drzic. In this way, the possibility of cultural criticism has been tested on the basis of an insight into social performances structured as acts in a play; from the crisis & the culmination to the dramatic solution, & back again. The title syntagm "theatre of shame" is being argumented with the thesis that spectacularized societies archive shame by false identity witnessing. This paper suggests that our confrontation with the Other in ourselves -- exemplified through the lack of capacity to witness identity in the media -- leads to what Agamben describes as the slipping away of the truth of witnessing from the jurisdiction of the archive. Adapted from the source document.