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In early May, Radovan Pavić, a full professor at the University of Zagreb, died at the age of 87. The news of his death was mentioned in several electronic publications, and suitable tributes were published on the web pages of the institutions in which the professor was active. In the journal Politički misao, published by the Faculty of Political Sciences, an obituary appeared by Marta Zorko, and Ivan Zupanc paid his respects on the Geography Department pages of the Faculty of Natural Sciences and Mathematics website. ; Početkom svibnja u dobi od 87 godina preminuo je Radovan Pavić, redoviti profesor Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. Vijest o smrti profesora Pavića prenijelo je nekoliko elektroničkih glasila, a prigodne tekstove objavile su na svojim stranicama i ustanove u okviru kojih je profesor djelovao. Na stranicama časopisa Politička misao, koji izlazi u nakladi Fakulteta političkih znanosti, tekst je objavila Marta Zorko, a na stranicama Geografskog odsjeka Prirodoslovno-matematičkog fakulteta od profesora se oprostio Ivan Zupanc.

In early May, Radovan Pavić, a full professor at the University of Zagreb, died at the age of 87. The news of his death was mentioned in several electronic publications, and suitable tributes were published on the web pages of the institutions in which the professor was active. In the journal Politički misao, published by the Faculty of Political Sciences, an obituary appeared by Marta Zorko, and Ivan Zupanc paid his respects on the Geography Department pages of the Faculty of Natural Sciences and Mathematics website. ; Početkom svibnja u dobi od 87 godina preminuo je Radovan Pavić, redoviti profesor Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. Vijest o smrti profesora Pavića prenijelo je nekoliko elektroničkih glasila, a prigodne tekstove objavile su na svojim stranicama i ustanove u okviru kojih je profesor djelovao. Na stranicama časopisa Politička misao, koji izlazi u nakladi Fakulteta političkih znanosti, tekst je objavila Marta Zorko, a na stranicama Geografskog odsjeka Prirodoslovno-matematičkog fakulteta od profesora se oprostio Ivan Zupanc.

U radu se prikazuju rezultati istraživanja ustroja i djelovanja Izvršnog vijeća Sabora SRH u ustavnom razdoblju 1963-1974. Rad Izvršnog vijeća prati se kroz četiri mandatna razdoblja: četvrto 27. lipnja 1963.-11. svibnja 1967, peto 11. svibnja 1967.-9. svibnja 1969, šesto 9. svibnja 1969.-7. siječnja 1972. te sedmo 7. siječnja 1972.-8. svibnja 1974. Rezultati istraživanja temelje se na analizi arhivskog gradiva fondova Izvršno vijeće Sabora SRH 1953-1990. i Sabor SRH 1945-1982. u Hrvatskom državnom arhivu, te propisa i drugih akata objavljenih u službenim listovima. U radu se donosi sistematizirani pregled svih članova po mandatnim razdobljima, pregled propisima definirane nadležnosti i unutarnjeg ustroja te analiza obilježja i rezultata rada Izvršnog vijeća u promatranom razdoblju. ; The article presents Executive Council of Parliament of Socialist Republic of Croatia (1963-1974), as one of the central governing institutions, with special interest in its organization, functions and activity. The first chapter gives an overview of the provisions about constitution and procedure of members' election. Four mandate periods were established within which the activity of the Executive Council should be monitored: The fourth mandate from 27th June 1963 till 11th May 1967, the fifth mandate from 11th May 1967 till 9th May 1969, the sixth mandate from 9th May 1969 till 7th January 1972 and the seventh mandate from 7th January 1972 till 8th May 1974. The same chapter brings the list of all members organized according to mandates. The second chapter gives an overview of the functions defined in regulations. The next chapter gives an analysis of its organization, divided in four parts: guidance of Executive Council, working bodies (boards, commissions, workgroups), councils and committees, and administrative and professional service. The last chapter gives an analysis of the activity of Executive Council. It is concluded that the most of the activity concerns the discussion of questions related to economy and finances, organization of central Republic's institutions, republican and regional (local) governing bodies, as well as system of justice, security and home affairs. As well, follow questions related to education, science and culture, health care system and social policy, labour relations, foreign affairs and international relations.

Right of access to a court, enshrined in Article 6 § 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms forms one of the basis for reinforcement of the principle of rule of law. However, the right of access to a court may be limited by provisions of national legislation regulating the functioning of the judicial system and rules of judicial procedure. The higher the hierarchy of the court, the more limits may be placed on the right of access to it. The aim of this article is to examine the different modalities of organisation of supreme judiciaries in European countries (members of the Council of Europe) and mechanisms established in national legislation for filtering applications to those jurisdictions in civil cases, in light of the principles set forth in that regard by the ever evolving case-law of the European Court of Human Rights, and the effects of its judgments and decisions on national legal systems. ; Right of access to a court, enshrined in Article 6 § 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms forms one of the basis for reinforcement of the principle of rule of law. However, the right of access to a court may be limited by provisions of national legislation regulating the functioning of the judicial system and rules of judicial procedure. The higher the hierarchy of the court, the more limits may be placed on the right of access to it. The aim of this article is to examine the different modalities of organisation of supreme judiciaries in European countries (members of the Council of Europe) and mechanisms established in national legislation for filtering applications to those jurisdictions in civil cases, in light of the principles set forth in that regard by the ever evolving case-law of the European Court of Human Rights, and the effects of its judgments and decisions on national legal systems.

According to Luhmann, religion transforms the indefinable/un-defined into the definable/defined complexity, thus outlining the problems of the whole society. Due to this function, religion remains bound to the level of the entirety of a social system. Nevertheless, in time, in the course of the functional differentiation of society, different sub-systems have been created for different tasks (economy, science, politics, education, etc) & religion has been accorded the status of one such system. Besides distinguishing among various subsystems, this process implies the separation of diverse task-areas within the religious system itself. By & by, within the Christian religion, three functionally differentiated spheres have emerged which Luhmann labels as a) the church, ie, the entirety of spiritual communication in which the function of the system of religion is fulfilled for the whole social system; b) Diaconate (Diakonie), which performs the system's tasks towards other social sub-systems (these tasks, in line with the theory of systems, may be termed services Leistungen) as well as towards personal systems (in line with the theory of systems they may be termed pastoral -- Seelsorge); & c) theology (Theologie) whose role within the religious system may be described as reflexion (Reflexion) ie, the task of the reflexive contact of one's own identity. 1 Table, 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

The subject of this article are the events which took place in Yugoslavia in the 1970s, viewed primarily in terms of the scope and character of Montenegro's part in the process. It aims to point out some elements and moments as may help clarify, first, why that particular decade (1960-1970) is considered especially important in the history of the Yugoslav "socialist experiment" and why it is justified to refer to it as some sort of its "spring"; second, in what way -- i.e., through what ideas and political activities -- Montenegro participated therein; and, third, whether there is any substance to the assumption that the "communist discourse" of the time may have caused the events in the Montenegrin society and state to take the course which, several decades later, would bring forth a new "breath of spring". Adapted from the source document.

The author gives an account of the evolution of the theories of institutional design or constitutional engineering in political science in the last twenty years. This is a special branch of political science that looks into how political institutions may serve as the means of conflict management in divided societies & whether they may be constructed in such a way as to contribute to the conflict resolution, democratization & the democratic stability of societies in general. Their rise was theoretically enabled by new institutionalism & historically by the third wave of democratization of autocratic political regimes since the 1970s & particularly since the 1990s. Using several seminal works to illustrate her point, the author shows how the theories of institutional design overlap with the theories of democratic transformation, consociational democracy, liberal democracy, & others. 42 References. Adapted from the source document.

The Sarajevo Convention, at which the Sarajevo Declaration & the Pact on Stability were adopted, represents a finale to the ten-year conflict in the Balkan region. The most important elements in the dynamic process of Europe's preparation for accepting the countries of Europe's Southeast have been the Brussels study by the Center for Political Analyses, the German "new politics," & US support. The analyses of the goals & mechanisms of the Pact show that it is a major political instrument, though hailed as a mixed blessing. If all the actors -- states, nongovernmental organizations, associations, & individuals -- are provided with long-term conditions for creating affiliations, joint views, & projects, the process of building better relations may be initiated. The Europeanization of Southeast Europe is going to be a lengthy & complex process, & the Pact on Stability may become an important form of building new relations in this region. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the possibilities of a symbiosis of the democratic & the constitutional principle, the expression of the strain between the desire for popular sovereignty, & the wish to establish the fundamental rules of political life as permanently as possible. Sioyes' distinction between the constituting & the constituted power can easily link the idea of popular sovereignty with the idea of constitutional state, but cannot answer the question of the constituting power's right to restrain the constituted power. Since its inception, the democratic constitutional state has been a dyadic entity i.e. a democratic & constitutional state. The dilemma is whether to respect the existing constitution & follow the procedure envisioned for amending it, or to make amendments following a revolutionary breach with the existing situation ie, a direct maneuver of the constituting power. The author is in favor of separating what the constituting power may decide upon & what the constituted power may decide upon, since this maintains the balance of both types of powers in a constitutional state. Adapted from the source document.

"Kristalna noć" najčešće se povezuje s nacističkim uništavanjem židovske imovine 1938., ali u kontekstu rata u Hrvatskoj neki taj pojam koriste i za uništavanje srpske imovine u Zadru i njegovoj okolici 2. svibnja 1991. Dok se u većini hrvatske javnosti taj događaj ignorira, dio javnosti interpretira ga kao početak progona srpskoga stanovništva u organizaciji Hrvatske demokratske zajednice, zadarskih općinskih vlasti te hrvatske policije. Takav stav uglavnom je posljedica medijskih manipulacija i nema uporište u činjenicama. Premda se dio povjesničara u svojim znanstvenim radovima dotaknuo zbivanja u Zadru početkom svibnja 1991., zadarska "kristalna noć" uglavnom je ostala historiografski neistražena. Rad se temelji na neobjavljenim arhivskim izvorima Ministarstva unutarnjih poslova Republike Hrvatske, Jugoslavenske narodne armije, tisku i relevantnoj literaturi. ; On 2 May 1991, Serbian property in Zadar and its surrounding area came under attack. The attacks took place after months of tensions between Croats and Serbs, and later became known as the 'Night of Broken Glass'. These tensions were the direct consequence of the Serbian armed rebellion that erupted in northern Dalmatia, Lika, and the hinterland of Zadar in August 1991. The public security system that met the rebellion was created in January 1990, when the Secretariat of the Interior for the area of the Benkovac, Biograd na Moru, Obrovac, Pag, and Zadar municipalities was established in Zadar. In this area, Croats were an absolute majority in the Biograd na Moru and Zadar municipalities, and the Serbs in the Benkovac and Obrovac municipalities. The rebellion prompted divisions not only among the population, but also among the police. By January 1991, most policemen of Serbian nationality had left the Zadar police force and joined the rebels. Despite being weakened in terms of manpower, the Zadar police for the most part managed to successfully preserve public safety. The security situation worsened after a skirmish between Croatian police and rebel Serbs at the Plitvice Lakes on 31 March 1991. A significant increase in shootings, setting of bombs, road blockades, and other forms of criminal activity, mostly nationally motivated, was recorded. In addition to the rebel Serbs, the instability was caused by the Yugoslav People's Army (YPA), which deployed its forces in Zadar's hinterland in early April 1991, causing alarm among the Croatian population. This deployment was part of a broader plan through which the YPA sought to set up a 'buffer zone' in order to close off the areas held by rebel Serbs and prevent the Croatian police from interfering. On 2 May 1991, the security situation throughout Croatia, and therefore in the area under the jurisdiction of the Zadar police, collapsed. Serb rebels killed 12 Croatian policemen in Borovo Selo near Vukovar, and severely wounded Zadar policeman Franko Lisica in Polača near Biograd na Moru; he soon died of his wounds. Despite the Croatian authorities' calls for peace, spontaneous unrest erupted throughout Croatia, and Serbian property and companies were attacked. Furthermore, there were incidents involving the YPA. The mood of the Croatian population in Zadar after the murder of the policeman Lisica was similar to that in other parts of Croatia. Despite the municipal authorities' calls for peace and their organising of a peaceful protest march, various uncoordinated groups demolished and plundered Serbian property on 2 May. The Zadar police failed to stop them because most of the policemen were engaged in the area affected by the Serb rebellion, while others were busy protecting the residential buildings in Zadar in which members of the YPA and their families resided. Soon, due to a feeling of insecurity, a mass exodus of Serbs from Zadar took place; these Serbs took refuge in the areas occupied by the rebels. Apart from the Zadar Serbs, Croats in the areas held by Serb rebels also began to leave their homes in early May 1991. On 1 May 1991, rebel Serbs drove many Croats from the areas around Knin. On the night of 6 to 7 May, as an act of revenge for the events in Zadar, the property of Croats, Albanians, and Croatian companies was attacked and plundered. Different sources give different data regarding the extent of the damage caused to Serbian property. Criminal charges raised by the Croatian police against unknown perpetrators on 2 May 1991 mention that 175 catering establishments, commercial premises, stands, kiosks, and automobiles were damaged. Apart from the property of Serbs, property belonging to Croats, Muslims, Roma, and Croatian companies was also damaged. There are numerous prejudices and controversies regarding the 'Night of Broken Glass', which mostly ignore the then security-political context. Certainly, there were those among the Croats who did not consider the attacks on Serbian property and their exodus from Zadar as anything controversial, but available sources clearly point towards the conclusion that the destruction of Serbian property was not organised and was not a part of the policy of the Croatian leadership.

Institutions of the European Union have been reforming since the very first moment of the EU's existence. They have been adapting to the needs of time and under the challenge of new political circumstances. Systematic reform has been further encouraged by recent criticism of democratic deficit, the concept that is often linked with the EU. This paper argues that by using the experience and institutional structure of the upper houses of some national parliaments this deficit could be lowered. The case-study in focus is the Council (of the European Union). The author argues that the nearest possible sources for reforms of the Council may be found in the practice of the US Senate and German Bundesrat. In both American and German cases we are faced with the parliaments with strong tradition of bicameralism. In both of them, the upper house represents strong territorial units. In addition, the Senate and Bundesrat are important actors in policy-making. Thus, they can serve as a good source of ideas and institutional solutions that may be applicable to the Council too. Keywords'. Strong Bicameralism, Upper House of Parliament, US Senate, Bundesrat, Council of the European Union. Adapted from the source document.

In light of the dramatic events in Serbian political society, the author looks into the most fundamental question of the political theory of constitutionalism: the way in which a revolution can reach its apogee in a viable form of constitutional government. The liberal revolution in Serbia enabled the collective identity to be redefined on the basis of constitutional patriotism. The author thinks that constitutional patriotism may be a good basis for a reconstruction of the political regime beyond the nation-state. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

Blaženka Mičević defended her doctoral dissertation titled Development of Agricultural Land Administration System within the Agricultural Policy Context of the Republic of Croatia at the Faculty of Geodesy, University in Zagreb on May 6, May 2016. The doctoral dissertation was defended in front of a committee composed of three members, Prof. Tomislav Bašić, PhD, Assist. Prof. Hrvoje Tomić, PhD, and Kristina Svržnjak, PhD, from the College of Agriculture in Križevci. The candidate's mentor was Prof. Siniša Mastelic Ivic, PhD.The doctoral dissertation is structured into following chapters:1 Introduction and research hypothesis2 Review of previous research3 Overview of the state of land policy4 Registers of agricultural land in the Republic of Croatia5 Disposition of the land owned by the Republic of Croatia6 Research analyses and results7 Overview of results8 Conclusion ; Blaženka Mičevič obranila je 6. svibnja 2016. na Geodetskom fakultetu Sveucilišta u Zagrebudoktorsku disertaciju Razvoj sustava za upravljanje poljoprivrednim zemljištem u okviru poljoprivredne politike Republike Hrvatske. Doktorski rad obranjen je pred povjerenstvom u sastavu prof. dr. sc. Tomislav Bašić, doc. dr. sc. Hrvoje Tomić i dr. sc. Kristina Svržnjak s Visokog gospodarskog učilišta u Križevcima. Mentor je bio prof. dr. sc. Siniša Mastelic Ivić.Doktorski rad podijeljen je na ova osnovna poglavlja:1. Uvod i postavljanje hipoteze2. Pregled dosadašnjih istraživanja3. Prikaz stanja zemljišne politike4. Evidencije poljoprivrednog zemljišta u Republici Hrvatskoj5. Raspolaganje poljoprivrednim zemljištem u vlasništvu Republike Hrvatske6. Analize i rezultati istraživanja7. Pregled postignutih rezultata8. Zaključak