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He, Mali. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 104-112). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract (English version) --- p.i ; Abstract (Chinese version) --- p.iii ; Acknowledgement --- p.v ; Table of Contents --- p.vii ; List of Tables --- p.ix ; List of Figures --- p.x ; Chapter Chapter 1. --- Local Media Industry in the Global Context --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- The Issues of Globalization --- p.5 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Cultural Industries: Political Economy in Practice --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Hollywood Reacquainted --- p.14 ; Chapter Chapter 2. --- Industrial Reforms and the Current Development of the Chinese Film Industry --- p.18 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Trajectory of the Chinese Film Industrial Reforms --- p.18 ; Chapter 2.11 --- The Internal Industrial Reform --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.12 --- The Reforms on External Policy --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.13 --- Closer Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) --- p.26 ; Chapter 2.14 --- Consequences of and Implications for the Chinese Film Industrial Reforms --- p.29 ; Chapter 2.2 --- A Glance at the Current Development and Dilemma in the Chinese Film Industry --- p.31 ; Chapter Chapter 3. --- Research Questions and Methodology --- p.39 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Analytical Framework --- p.39 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Research Questions --- p.42 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Methodology --- p.43 ; Chapter Chapter 4. --- The Analysis of Localization of the Foreign Media Capital in Crazy Stone --- p.48 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Trajectory of Warner Bros. Entering Mainland China Market --- p.49 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Investment Mode of Crazy Stone --- p.53 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Successful Strategies Contributing to the Success of Crazy Stone --- p.60 ; Chapter 4.3.1 --- Localization of the Creative --- p.60 ; Chapter 4.3.2 --- Localization of the Content --- p.65 ; Chapter 4.33 --- Localization of the Economic --- p.74 ; Chapter 4.34 --- Localization of Marketing Strategies --- p.80 ; Chapter 4.35 --- Success of Crazy Stone ...

The design of this research is based on the liberal pluralism belief that there should be various forms of alternative media co-existing with mainstream media, and the society benefits from having alternatives. The concept of alternative media refers to media that are independent from the political and market power. They deal with alternative topics, which are not covered in their mainstream counterparts. One of the traditions of alternative media research is to examine their potential in the formation of subaltern public sphere. ; The core question of this research is to explore the usage of online alternative media, and the link between online alternative media and the ideal of subaltern public sphere, in terms of attitude towards difference, rational discussion and civic participation. Participatory observation, online survey and case studies were applied to find out the answers. ; First of all, it is found that the usage of online alternative media is influenced by a number of factors. In addition to the gratifications sought from media usage, a heterogeneous online community is more likely to accept online alternative media, while intense use of alternative media in turn contributes to more tolerance of difference in society. ; Secondly, this research examines the relationships between online alternative media and the elements of subaltern public sphere. As the research findings suggest, under high political and economic pressure, little space is left for mainstream public sphere, while subaltern public sphere is possible with the help of online alternative media. Non-hierarchically organized and depend on voluntary work, online alternative media partly escape from political and market pressure and become the birthplace of rational public opinions. Online alternative media contribute to democratic society as they generate public space for deliberation, and cultivate the culture of participation. ; Finally, the significance of heterogeneity is emphasized. Online alternative media develop a group of media ...

Mass Communication and Media play an integral part in modern societies. This publication reflects on fundamental theoretical works and recent key texts from different backgrounds such as political analysis, feminism, media studies or Cultural Theory. It is designed as a workbook in European-Chinese intercultural studies. Therefore thorough descriptions of the texts in Chinese language are backed up by additional information and questions to ponder to deepen the understanding. This book is part of the series "interKULTUR European-Chinese intercultural Studies" which consists of teaching material for intercultural studies in higher education and research results of such studies.

公共事務知識對許多政治過程都有至關重要的意義。通過獲取公共事務知識,個體公民得以認清切身利益,並由此與公共生活形成一種認識論上的聯系。了解公共事務,也是公民進行有效協商和政治參與的前提。盡管西方政治傳播文獻對此多有探討,中國語境下的"知識獲取"研究卻相對匱乏。中國的媒介環境正處於劇烈變革之中:盡管國家管控依然存在,但市場化改革不斷深入,近年來互聯網逐漸跃升为信息交換、意見表達與社會動員的主流平台。媒介環境的變遷為研究"知識獲取"提供了意義豐富的語境。 ; 本研究旨在探索中國大學生通過不同傳播渠道獲取公共事務知識的机制。本研究的實證數據來源於一項針對北京、上海和廣州在校大學生的問卷調查。調查共收回1,135份有效問卷,回收率為78%。該研究使用多元回歸分析與觀察變量通經分析(Path analysis with observed variables)對樣本數據進行分析。 ; 本研究的主要發現有三個方面。首先,數據顯示新媒體渠道(如新聞網站和社交媒體)或已經開始取代傳統媒體渠道(如報紙和電視),成為最常規的新聞源。新聞獲取模式的改變,進一步導致不同媒介"致知"效果的變化。與以往研究不同,本研究發現新媒體新聞曝露可以增加使用者的公共事務知識,但傳統媒體的新聞曝露卻沒有類似效果。面對面的交談可以增加人們的公共事務知識和政治信息效能。然而社交媒體討論只能增加人們的政治信息效能,卻對實際的知識獲取沒有貢獻。 ; 其次,本研究認為,檢測媒介的"致知"效果時,將媒介使用操作化為"媒介注意力"並不一定優於"媒介曝露"。孰優孰劣取決於我們所關注的媒體類型。結果顯示,"媒介曝露"能更好地檢測新媒體對知識獲取的影響,而"媒介注意力"則更有效地檢測傳統媒體對知識獲取的影響。這個區別並不只是一個技術問題,它關涉到知識獲取研究的理論假設。不同操作化所帶來的效果區別,可能與媒介使用模式的變化以及媒介使用時信息處理模式的改變有所關聯。 ; 第三,中國公共事務知識的生產與傳播是一個政治建構的過程。媒介管控與互聯網治理則是這個建構過程的重要機制。主流媒體供給"主流知識"並以其構建一個關於社會現實的"主流認知"。研究發現,事實上還存在一部分"另類知識"。中國的媒介體系推廣"主流知識"並且減少"另類知識"流通。本研究同時發現,盡管存在管控,新媒體渠道可以散播"另類知識"。 ; Public affairs knowledge plays a vital part in many political processes. By gaining public affairs knowledge, individual citizens discern their own interests and concerns, thus epistemologically connecting themselves to public life. Knowledge about public affairs is also a prerequisite for effective deliberation and political engagement. Though it has attracted much attention in Western political communication scholarship, knowledge acquisition has not been fully extended to the context of China. Few studies have examined public affairs knowledge in China's rapidly transitioning, yet still controlled, media environment, where the Internet has lately risen to be a dominant platform for information exchange, opinion expression, and social mobilization. ; This study explores how people can gain knowledge about public affairs through different communication channels in China's complex media environment. The data come from a paper-and-pencil survey of college students in Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou. The survey generated 1,135 valid responses, ...

現有的媒體-抗爭互動機制研究,其結論多是主流媒體傾向非法化、瑣碎化社會運動。但針對威權語境中的媒體-抗爭互動現象,這一論點不再適用。本研究通過2009年廣州番禺反建垃圾焚燒廠事件,探究地方媒體與草根環境運動在與政府協商公共議題時,形成何種互動機制。本文以公共性概念為理論起點,以參與式公共性與可視性公共性這兩種模式作為分析工具,來理解媒體與運動的實踐及其互動。 ; 本研究使用多種方法考察事件發展過程,同時試圖建構出媒體-運動的互動機制。主要研究材料包括媒體文本、新聞從業者與抗爭居民的口頭和書面陳述。本文用內容分析方法考察媒體如何再現抗爭居民與當地政府的話語鬥爭,以及新聞框架如何發展演變。研究者與20位新聞從業者與抗爭居民進行深度訪談,以瞭解其行動的目的、策略與束縛,並探索雙方如何理解與評價自身、對方與社會語境。 ; 本文的主要貢獻,是通過考察威權語境中的媒體-運動的互動實踐現象來豐富原有的公共性概念。研究發現雙方形成了深度互動、平等、共存的關係。首先,媒體的報道使與抗爭相關的公共論述得以生成、發展、充實。多角度的媒體報道涵蓋了環保與民主參與等話題,由此挑戰了官方對抗爭的打壓式論述。其次,在運動的架構過程中,抗爭居民創造出媒介互動策略,具體表現為抗爭者認識到傳統媒體記者所受的束縛,並與其合作突破這種束縛。他們同時也使用新媒體平台直接動員公眾展開集體行動。最後,新聞從業者發展出抗爭新聞劇目的生產機制,使得抗爭事件停留於報端,令抗爭者成為公共論述的參與者。新聞從業者在追求職業認同與獨立時還借用抗爭的概念,將其用作由下至上新聞改革的資源。 ; 以上發現表明,媒體與社會運動作為社會行動者,其互動機制中體現出一種具有建構性與矛盾性的公共性。通過這一媒介化的抗爭事件,雙方發展出針對官方論述的話語抗爭,使得原本屬於越軌範疇的抗爭話語得以進入可公開爭議的合法範疇,由此得以重新界定公開話語空間中的意識形態邊界。 ; Existing studies of media-movement interaction have argued that mainstream media tends to illegitimize and trivialize social movements. However, when applied to the newly emerged media-movement interactions in the context of an authoritarian regime, such argument becomes untenable. This study takes an anti-incinerator event taken place in Panyu, Guangzhou in 2009 as its foci of investigation. It examines how local media and the grassroots environmental movement cooperatively negotiated public issues with the government. The concept of publicity and two models of publicity (participatory publicity and visibility publicity) will be introduced. These two models will be used as analytical tools to understand the practice of and the interaction between the media and the movement. ; Methodologically, this study adopts multiple methods to trace the process of the event and model the media-movement interaction mechanism. This research constructs the case by analyzing the media texts, together with both oral and written accounts of the journalists and the activists. Content analysis is employed to measure how the media represent the discursive struggles between local residents and local government, as well as how the media ...

He Huijie. ; Thesis submitted in: October 2004. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 157-160). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; questionnaire in Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; An Introduction to Phoenix Satellite Television --- p.3 ; Television as a Medium --- p.9 ; Research Questions --- p.13 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- Literature Review --- p.15 ; Review for the Sociological Approach on Media Studies --- p.15 ; Review of the Perspective of Political Economy of Communication --- p.21 ; Review for Related Chinese Communication Studies --- p.26 ; Chapter Chapter Three: --- Methodology --- p.31 ; Quantitative Research --- Content Analysis --- p.31 ; Chapter 1. --- The Selection of Sample --- p.31 ; Chapter 2. --- Research Method-´ؤ-Content Analysis --- p.36 ; Chapter 3. --- Inter-coder Reliability --- p.39 ; Qualitative Research-Textual Comparison --- p.39 ; Chapter 1. --- The Selection of Sample --- p.39 ; Chapter (1) --- "SARS Reports,2003" --- p.40 ; Chapter (2) --- "July 1st Demonstration in Hong Kong,2003" --- p.41 ; Chapter 2. --- Research Method´ؤTextual Comparison --- p.42 ; Qualitative Research´ؤ´ؤIn-depth Interview --- p.43 ; Chapter 1. --- The Selection of Sample --- p.43 ; Chapter 2. --- Research Method --- In-depth Interview --- p.44 ; Qualitative Research´ؤParticipant Observation --- p.45 ; Chapter Chapter Four: --- Content Analysis --- p.47 ; Frequency Analysis --- p.47 ; Chapter 1. --- Analysis --- p.48 ; Inter-coder Reliability --- p.50 ; Chapter 2. --- Summary --- p.52 ; Cross-Tabulation Analysis --- p.53 ; Chapter 1. --- Analysis Between the Internal Division and the Geographical Division --- p.54 ; Chapter 2. --- "Analysis Between the Geographical Division and the ""Political Perspective""" --- p.56 ; Comments --- p.59 ; News Favoring the Government Happening in Mainland China --- p.61 ; News Favoring the Government Happening in Hong Kong --- p.64 ; Chapter 3. --- "Analysis Between News Nature and ...

Leung, Ka Kuen. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 167-180). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1 - --- Introduction --- p.1 ; The Global Rise of Internet Independent Media --- p.1 ; Hong Kong - The Rise of Internet Activism --- p.4 ; Direction of the Study --- p.6 ; Structure of the Thesis --- p.9 ; Chapter Chapter 2 - --- Literature Review --- p.11 ; Radical Democracy Citizenship --- p.11 ; Citizens' Media as Political Space --- p.17 ; Transition from Radio to Internet Radio --- p.23 ; Chapter Chapter 3 - --- "Hong Kong Civil Society, Citizenship and Radio Industry" --- p.31 ; Hong Kong Civil Society and Citizenship --- p.31 ; The Political Inclination of Hong Kong Radio Broadcasting --- p.35 ; Chapter Chapter 4 - --- Research Design and Methods --- p.40 ; One-Case Design --- p.40 ; Research Questions --- p.41 ; Research Methods --- p.42 ; Chapter Chapter 5 - --- The Denial of Radio Broadcast Rights in Hong Kong --- p.48 ; Government Control of Broadcasting Policies --- p.49 ; Powerlessness of the Political Society --- p.51 ; Failed Promise of the Mainstream Media --- p.54 ; Chapter Chapter 6 - --- The Rise of PRHK as Political Struggle --- p.57 ; The Emergence of Internet Politics in 2003 --- p.58 ; Anti-Tung Solidarity: Continuation of People Power --- p.62 ; Internet Radio as Hot Property from 2003 to 2004 --- p.65 ; Action-Reaction: Internet Radio as Transitional Project --- p.68 ; Chapter Chapter 7 - --- PRHK as Radical Democratic Media Association --- p.72 ; PRHK as Participatory Citizens' Media --- p.72 ; PRHK as Self-managed Media Association --- p.84 ; Chapter Chapter 8 - --- PRHK as Radical Democratic Media Site --- p.98 ; Positioning of PRHK Media Operation --- p.98 ; Independent Internet Radio Programs --- p.113 ; Citizens Matter More Than the Platform --- p.123 ; Chapter Chapter 9 - --- Conclusion and Discussion --- p.129 ; Summary of Findings --- p.129 ; Broader Implications --- p.134 ; Limitations of the ...

Tsang, Stephanie Jean. ; "September 2011." ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-151). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendix includes Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Theoretical Background --- p.12 ; Deliberative and Participatory Democracies --- p.12 ; Interpersonal Discussion --- p.25 ; Online Political Engagement --- p.36 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Framework --- p.45 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Design and Methods --- p.64 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- Analysis and Results --- p.76 ; Results - Content Analysis --- p.76 ; Results - Survey --- p.82 ; Chapter Chapter 6: --- Discussions --- p.97 ; Chapter Chapter 7: --- Limitations and Future Studies --- p.114 ; Chapter Chapter 8: --- Appendices --- p.118 ; Appendix A --- p.118 ; Appendix B --- p.120 ; Chapter Chapter 9: --- References --- p.137

Introduction -- Discourse and media -- Methodology -- Frequency analysis of lexis in the PTC and STC -- Concordance analysis on words directly referencing terrorism in the PTC and the STC -- Contrasting the social contexts of China and the UK -- Conclusions

Television drama series are today the most popular format on Chinese TV. The fact that these series largely portray nationalist stories of glorious emperors and courageous officials leaves the impression that they must be propaganda, designed by the Communist Party. This volume challenges such assumptions and shows how TV drama production is a complex process of cultural governance that is not dominated by one particular actor, but characterized by diffuse political interests, commercial considerations, viewing habits, and ideological assumptions. By examining political discourses in Chinese drama series and analyzing the factors leading to their creation, this book explains why Chinese TV content relies so heavily on didactical messages and emotional symbols, and argues that such content risks creating precisely the kind of passive masses that Chinese media workers and government officials are trying so hard to emancipate

"耽美"来源于日本,是以女性读者群为主要受众、描写男性与男性之间浪漫关系或性关系的文学或艺术作品,也被称为BL(Boy's Love)。喜爱耽美的女性爱好者被称为"腐女"。耽美文化自1990 年代后期随着日本流行文化进入中国,至今已在中国网络空间中逐渐发展成为一个主要由女性网民所组成的,包含文本创作、阅读与交流的文化圈。与此同时,耽美文化的流行亦引发了中国当下种种对性与性别问题的思考。 ; 本研究将耽美文化解译为"女性幻想男男之爱"的欲望结构,从精神分析幻想理论与酷儿理论的视角来考察中国网络中的耽美文化现象。论文所围绕的一个问题是,耽美文化与中国社会文化中的性/别话语产生了怎样的关系,以及如何从腐女的耽美幻想中搭建起与现实性/别政治的联系。研究首先分析了两类网络耽美小说文本,分别来看它们与1990年代以后的"男同性恋"身份话语,和2000年代以后对"中国古典文化"想象之间的吸收、挪用与再创造;其次以网络腐女圈的论坛讨论与配对狂欢为对象,研究网络耽美式恶搞对官方媒体、主流男性形象和异性恋规范的权威所潜在的颠覆性;最后以2011年一桩"腐女被抓案"新闻报道为契机,来观察耽美文化与网络淫秽色情审查的纠葛、冲突与可能的出路。 ; 欲望幻想的流动性决定着它边界的模糊与开放,以及它承载、影响乃至侵扰"现实"秩序的功能。因此,作为一种女性的男性同性情欲幻想,本研究视耽美文化最引人注目的地方不在于其本身的出现与流行程度,而在于它与各种性/别话语的相互建构与矛盾冲突。此外,在对幻想文本、网络话语以及腐女群体的调查中,本研究也期待探索某种"酷儿"政治在中国网络文化中生产的可能性。 ; Boy's love (BL in short; danmei in Chinese) is a Japanese term for female-oriented fictional media, which focuses on love, sex and romance between beautiful androgynous boys or young men. Apart from the gay self-representations, BL is a genre of male homoeroticism by and for mostly heterosexual women. In China, the BL fans call themselves "Fu Nu", which means "rotten girl", to describe their enthusiasm for fantasizing male homosexuality. BL originated from Japanese amine, comic and game youth culture, and has since become a transnational phenomenon all over the world with a global fan base. As such, the phenomenon of boy's love had already aroused a lot of discussions in relation to ideologies of gender and sexuality from different cultural and social perspectives. BL fandom in China's culture context with its "Chinese characteristics" also deserves particular attention, when it opens up a fantastic space for Chinese woman to practice their sexuality beyond non-heterosexual norms. ; However there is limited work that considers the queer sexuality of female BL fans in China, in relation to the queer texts and queer discourses they create. There is also little research that explores the capacity of boy's love netizens to resist the on-going internet surveillance by the Chinese government of information deemed 'sexually inappropriate' ...

So Ming Hang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 218-227). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgements --- p.v ; Content --- p.vii ; List of Table and figures --- p.xi ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: the dilemma of RTHK and research questions --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Significance of the study: importance of the mass media and RTHK in the political process in Hong Kong --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Significance of the study: practical policy concerns for RTHK --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- The unstable financial situation of the public broadcasters around the world --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3.2 --- "The political context of Hong Kong, which RTHK is situated" --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Research questions --- p.22 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review: The normative role of public broadcaster and their performance in actual practice compared with commercial broadcaster --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Public vs Private --- p.26 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Theoretical defense for the public broadcasting: Market failure in broadcasting --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Spectrum scarcity and failure of competition --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- """Public goods"" nature of broadcasting" --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- Externality of the broadcasting as a media --- p.29 ; Chapter 2.3.4 --- The incapacity of the audience --- p.34 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Spectrum scarcity: Weakening rationale --- p.35 ; Chapter 2.5 --- "Market Solution for the ""public goods"" failure: Advertising" --- p.36 ; Chapter 2.6 --- Empirical studies: The public broadcasters may not be very different --- p.39 ; Chapter 2.6.1 --- Information source/news source/guest --- p.39 ; Chapter 2.6.2 --- Topics/Agenda --- p.42 ; Chapter 2.6.3 --- Frames/Themes/Angle --- p.43 ; Chapter 2.6.4 --- Other studies --- p.44 ; Chapter 2.7 --- Theoretical explanation for the quite similar phenomenon between the public and ...

自2003年始,反坝运动席卷中国,被誉为"第一次公众参与开始影响中国工程决策"。相关研究多将之归功于中国近年来迅猛发展的公民社会与NGO力量。但在金沙江边村落,却出乎意料地形成可持续的、无(正式)组织及去精英化、本土民众自主广泛参与的反坝集体行动,并成功令当地水坝建设中止至今。本个案的独特性,无法单独通过社会运动或底层抗争理论对中国集体抗争的分析,而得到解释。 ; 在中国特殊政治环境下,尤其在严重缺乏自组织空间的底层乡土社会,农民广泛参与的集体抗争如何得以成为可能?带着这一问题,本研究整合社会运动研究和底层抗争研究两种理论框架,以实践论引领下的拓展个案研究法为研究方法论,对金沙江-虎跳峡流域的反坝集体行动展开深入研究。 ; 论文首先还原当地反坝抗争的真实经历以及底层行动者的实践逻辑,并通过对抗争的政治机会空间拓展、组织动员、框架与意义建构等三个关键过程深入分析,探讨集体行动的内在特征及发生机制。 ; 本论文发现:在全国反坝热潮背后,金沙江边逐渐形成一类独特的、既由本土社区主导又与全国性的反坝社会运动接壤的、多元去中心化的新型底层抗争生成机制/模式。三种结构性生成力量在背后起到关键作用:一是本土性社会文化因素;二是介入本土社区并与之发生紧密互动的外界公民社会力量;三是国家力量(包括"抽象国家"与"具体国家")的影响及其与本土的互动。 ; 以上因素在型塑独特的本土集体抗争模式的同时,也在底层乡村社区催生一批本土中层集体行动者骨干,推动广泛、具有潜在秩序的草根民众的"公民性"参与,孕育出更富于弹性、更多元异质的社会力以及本土化的公民社会行动空间,由此产生的底层自下而上的变革动力,有可能超越此前公民社会组织主导的社会运动与封闭乡村社区内相对无组织无序的底层抗争的两分,为中国底层变迁乃至公民社会发展预示新的路向。 ; Recent anti-dam movements in quasi-authoritarian China have triggered unprecedented public debate. Most existing researches focus on professional NGOs, intellectuals, media and other high-profile civil society forces, and propose an exogenous elite-driven model for understanding the movement and ensued social changes. ; However, the Jinsha River anti-dam protest revealed a different picture: endogenously grown and widely participated activism is blooming in the local communities, in the absence of formal movement organizations and without the leadership of outside NGOs. It is such local activism, working together with civil society forces from outside, that successfully blocked the dam construction. ; How could such indigenous activism with broad participation emerge within the highly restricted political space of contemporary China? To answer this question, I propose an integrated approach combining the perspectives of the social movement literature and the resistance studies. The major research methodology is the Extended Case Method (ECM) based on the Theory of Practice. ; This thesis firstly attempts to describe the generative process of local anti-dam protest activism and the practical logic of indigenous activists from a bottom-up perspective. It ...

"Chinese President Xi Jinping launched the Silk Road Economic Belt component of the One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative at Kazakhstan in 2013. OBOR is a development strategy and framework that focuses on connectivity and cooperation among countries primarily in Eurasia. It consists of two main components, the land-based "Silk Road Economic Belt" (SREB) and ocean-going "Maritime Silk Road" (MSR). This book studies the equilibrium or balance between overland and maritime trade routes of OBOR. This book has two major sections. The interpretive section examines contemporary media narratives related to the OBOR initiative and how contemporary commentators appropriate narratives about historical events related to the maritime Silk Road to interpret current policy agendas and legitimize diplomatic or economic exchanges. In terms of institutional studies, the chapters related to Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) will look at the issues facing the Bank in its quest in forming a new world platform for multilateral development financing. The other section, the empirical case study of the publication highlights the fact that Euro-China High Speed Rail (HSR) and Central Asia-China HSR are not viable at the moment as passenger volume is not sufficient to justify the HSR line. This section examines the overland route of the OBOR and looks at recent Chinese HSR history and conventional sub-high speed rail technology development, and identifies technical & economic criteria determining the appropriate technology for a certain line. The chapter in this section will use the developed criteria to analyze the various rail linkage projects currently under study in the OBOR framework, highlight the economic, bureaucratic and geo-political challenges that these projects likely face and lay down conditions that will determine the outcome of these projects."--Provided by publisher

Yick, Man Kin. ; "August 2011." ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves [193]-212). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendix includes Chinese. ; Abstract in English --- p.iii ; Abstract in Chinese --- p.v ; Acknowledgement --- p.vii ; Contents --- p.x ; Abbreviations --- p.xiii ; "Lists of Tables, figures and graph" --- p.xv ; Chapter Section 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Purpose of the study --- p.4 ; Chapter Section 2 --- Historical development of social welfare sector and YWCA --- p.5 ; Conceptualizing NGOs --- p.5 ; Early colonial period to WWII: Formation of charity organization under minimal welfare provision of the government --- p.7 ; Post-WWII to 1960s: Government in need of SSOs for relief work and against communism --- p.9 ; 1960s to 1990s: Expansion of social welfare and state incorporation of SSOs --- p.10 ; From the 1990s: Towards a contractual relationship between SSOs and government in uncertain times --- p.12 ; YWCA has followed the footsteps of social service sector --- p.16 ; Chapter Section 3 --- Conceptualizing legitimacy repair --- p.18 ; Why legitimacy? --- p.18 ; Conceptualizing and defining legitimacy --- p.20 ; Typology of legitimacy --- p.22 ; Measurements of legitimacy --- p.25 ; Legitimacy repair --- p.25 ; Stakeholder and stakeholder politics --- p.28 ; Chapter Section 4 --- Analytical framework --- p.32 ; Determinants of degree of consistency of legitimacy repair strategies --- p.32 ; Chapter Section 5 --- Methodology --- p.35 ; A longitudinal single case study --- p.35 ; A qualitative research --- p.36 ; Why TO YWCA? --- p.36 ; Research method --- p.37 ; Field roles and field relations --- p.39 ; Informant selection --- p.40 ; A note on the role of media --- p.41 ; Ethical issues in this study --- p.42 ; Chapter Section 6 --- The setting: Tai 0 --- p.43 ; The administrative-political setting --- p.48 ; Local associations in Tai O --- p.51 ; Chapter Section 7 --- Legitimacy challenge on YWCA during 1988 District ...