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From a publisher's website: The media is changing because the world is changing. It is not clear whether this dependency is working the other way. The relationship between the changing media and the changing world is devoted to most of the texts that make up the new volume of the year's Wroclaw mediates. At the center of the media are the media of the changing civilizations of the media systems of Europe and America. Authors who are both recognized researchers and newcomers try to answer questions about journalism, media professions, image communication, branding, public relations in multinational inquiries. The value of the texts is primarily an ambitious attempt to keep up with the current problems of media studies, combined with broader reflection on foreign media systems and Polish public discourse. Reading for media people, journalists and students of journalism, cultural scientists, political scientists and sociologists

Cyberpsychology. New perspectives in researching media and their users
Abstract
The aim of the article is a synthetic presentation of the origins and directions of development of cyberpsychology and its relationships with other disciplines of science, as well as the indication of the possibility of using cyberpsychological research in media studies and analyzes dedicated to new media and their users.

The purpose of our research was to analyse the influence of social networks on the perception of the war in Ukraine as well as on the course of the struggle in the information field. Today, social networks have become one of the main trendsetters, therefore, to effectively fight against disinformation and enemy information attacks, it is necessary to understand not only the specifics of their audience's perception of information but also to be well-versed in the specifics of the content generated by social media. For this purpose, we used the comparative method, monitoring, and content analysis. In the article, we give examples of ethical dilemmas that Russia can use to its advantage in the war against Ukraine. For example, social media policies prohibit the posting of sensitive content. This does not allow telling the whole truth about the war, as a result of which not everyone understands the depth of the tragedy. Thanks to this, the world's reaction to Russia's criminal actions is not as harsh as it could be. Our research was an attempt not only to outline the problem but also to propose ways to solve it. It is clear that media and ethics are inseparable, but at the same time, it is necessary to understand that ethics cannot hide the truth. In future studies, it is worth investigating more deeply the ethical norms of the coverage of sensitive content, especially about war. Perhaps it would be worthwhile indicating the situations that allow departure from the general rules.

The restrictions related to the COVID-19 pandemic limited the functioning of society as a whole. For organizations working in the field of social activation, e.g., for older people, this meant that existing activities came to a stop. Was it, therefore, possible to continue activating older people? The aim of this study is to identify the ways in which selected organizations in Poland tried to cope with this situation through their Facebook pages. Posts from 20 accounts run by entities involved in the social activation of older people in four provincial cities were analyzed. As a result of a thematic analysis of the collected posts, it was possible to determine the spectrum in which the examined pages functioned, i.e., from a creator of reality providing the latest information, to a close friend who cares for, helps, and even talks to the recipients. Also connected to this was the form of activation carried out on the sites. The research revealed varying degrees of participation in activities conducted by organizations and institutions, and the conclusions presented here are a contribution to research into social media in public policy and the activation of older people.

Researchers into censorship in communist Poland have often analysed the relations existing between the censorship authorities and creatorsor publishers, but have more rarely examined the relationship between the state political authorities and the Central Office of Control of the Press, Publications and Performances (later the Central Office of Control of Publications and Performances). The author of this article considers the strength of the controlling influence of the authorities on censorship, reaching the conclusion that the impact of the communist party and state on censors' decisions was smaller than has generally been thought. The author believes that the censors had a certain degree of independence. This was the result of, among others insufficient personnel and organizational connections between the party and censorship, and faulty provisions regarding the regulation of censorship. Therefore, although censorship was an integral part of a totalitarian state, it probably did not always support its decisions, despite the party's strenuous efforts to make it so. Partly because of this, many publications have appeared in Poland that would not see the light of day in other countries, so-called communist block. ; Badacze cenzury w Polsce Ludowej wielokrotnie analizowali relacje zachodzące pomiędzy organami cenzury a twórcami i wydawcami, rzadziej natomiast powiązania władz polityczno-państwowych z Głównym Urzędem Kontroli Prasy, Publikacji i Widowisk (później Głównym Urzędem Kontroli Publikacji i Widowisk). Autor artykułu zastanawia się nad siłą kontrolnego oddziaływania władzy na cenzurę, dochodząc do wniosku, że wpływ partii komunistycznej i państwa na decyzje cenzury mógł być mniejszy niż zwykło się uważać. Jego zdaniem cenzura była w pewnym stopniu niezależna. Stanowiło to rezultat m.in. niedostatecznych powiązań kadrowo-organizacyjnych pomiędzy partią a cenzurą oraz wadliwych przepisów prawnych regulujących działalność cenzury. Dlatego, pomimo że cenzura była integralną częścią totalitarnego państwa, prawdopodobnie nie zawsze jej decyzje wspierały to państwo, mimo usilnych starań partii, aby tak było. M.in. dzięki temu, w Polsce ukazało się wiele publikacji, które nie ujrzałyby światła dziennego w innych krajach tzw. demokracji ludowej.

Celem artykułu jest zestawienie postaw polskich dziennikarzy wobec aktorów politycznych deklarowanych w ankietach (role perception) z faktycznymi działaniami podejmowanymi przez dziennikarzy wobec polityków w przygotowywanych przez nich materiałach informacyjnych (role performance). Wyniki badań ankietowych ujawniają istotne różnice pomiędzy poszczególnymi pokoleniami polskich dziennikarzy. Z rolą watchodoga utożsamia się przede wszystkim pokolenie podejmujące pracę w okresie zmiany ustrojowej, podczas gdy najmłodsze pokolenie – choć uważa tę rolę mediów za ważną – samo nie jest zainteresowane jej pełnieniem. Analiza zawartości mediów potwierdza dużą wagę przywiązywaną przez polskich dziennikarzy do monitorowania działalności prowadzonej przez aktorów politycznych. Badania dostarczają jednocześnie danych potwierdzających wysoki poziom paralelizmu politycznego polskiego systemu medialnego. ; The aim of the paper is to compare the findings of selected surveys conducted among Polish journalists with the findings of a newspaper content analysis. The findings of the surveys showed differences between different generations of journalists. Specifically, those who entered the profession right after the political transition in the early 1990s seem more interested in playing the role of watchdog than those who have recently graduated from universities. Although the youngest generation of Polish journalists believes that the media should monitor political actors, they do not seem very interested in playing that role. The findings of the content analysis showed that Polish journalists pay significant attention to monitoring the policy and performance of political actors. The study supports previous observations on the high level of political parallelism of the Polish media system.

Celem artykułu jest zestawienie postaw polskich dziennikarzy wobec aktorów politycznych deklarowanych w ankietach (role perception) z faktycznymi działaniami podejmowanymi przez dziennikarzy wobec polityków w przygotowywanych przez nich materiałach informacyjnych (role performance). Wyniki badań ankietowych ujawniają istotne różnice pomiędzy poszczególnymi pokoleniami polskich dziennikarzy. Z rolą watchodoga utożsamia się przede wszystkim pokolenie podejmujące pracę w okresie zmiany ustrojowej, podczas gdy najmłodsze pokolenie – choć uważa tę rolę mediów za ważną – samo nie jest zainteresowane jej pełnieniem. Analiza zawartości mediów potwierdza dużą wagę przywiązywaną przez polskich dziennikarzy do monitorowania działalności prowadzonej przez aktorów politycznych. Badania dostarczają jednocześnie danych potwierdzających wysoki poziom paralelizmu politycznego polskiego systemu medialnego. ; The aim of the paper is to compare the findings of selected surveys conducted among Polish journalists with the findings of a newspaper content analysis. The findings of the surveys showed differences between different generations of journalists. Specifically, those who entered the profession right after the political transition in the early 1990s seem more interested in playing the role of watchdog than those who have recently graduated from universities. Although the youngest generation of Polish journalists believes that the media should monitor political actors, they do not seem very interested in playing that role. The findings of the content analysis showed that Polish journalists pay significant attention to monitoring the policy and performance of political actors. The study supports previous observations on the high level of political parallelism of the Polish media system.

Multilayering hardrock/heavymetal music in "Only Rock" resources

This article is composed of two parts. The first discusses the role of metal hardrock music (broadly understood) in the structure of the most opinion-making music magazine after 1989, ie "Only Rock", and in the second study focused on analyzing the content of the monthly magazine in terms of title genres, but in the optics of genology. The text uses existing statistical data, studies and, of course, source materials. Methodologically and substantively – in a narrower sense, the publication encompasses two new streams: Metal Music Studies (humanistic) and Journalism and Music Media (social sciences, media studies), and in broader terms quantitative and qualitative research (including structural analysis). The research showed that metal music was a constitutive aspect of the subject matter in a strictly formal rock writing, and even some of the leading elements.

Civil dialogue has an impact on the quality of public policy, in the online form it allows direct influence of stakeholders on the process of formulation and its implementation. It is also a new quality in the process of evaluating public policy. Civil dialogue is usually understood as a process of communication between the state authority and non-governmental organizations, but the author of the article indicates that it is possible to conduct civil dialogue in a direct way with citizens through social media. He presents the results of research aimed at verifying the use of social media by the authorities in order to establish a dialogue with citizens. The research consisted in measuring and analyzing communication conducted by selected Polish voivodeship cities on the Twitter social network. The author points out the characteristic styles of communication that can be interpreted from the perspective of civil dialogue.

The monograph presents the analysis of the process of constructing national identity in the educational discourse on the example of textbooks. Using the theory and postcolonial discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau, the author reconstructs the discourses involved in the rhetorical construction of national identity and poses the question of inclusion in civic education. The basis for discussion is the analysis of the content of textbooks carried out in the perspective of research on media education (educational media studies), and critical pedagogy. The work combines research on the pedagogical discourse of the linguistic approach. Analysis of rhetorical processes of constructing identity is enriched therefore the analysis of the conceptual metaphors concerning the categories of the nation in terms of George Lakoff and Mark Johnson. Discourse Analysis is conducted on the basis of the method James Paul Gee. An important element of the book are theoretical considerations on the possibility to agree on processes of constructing identity postkolonializmie and discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau.

The principle of equal electoral opportunities is implemented, inter alia, by allocating free airtime to political entities. In Poland, like in many other countries, the authorized committees have the right to use the public media's airtime free of charge during election campaigns. The present article's objective is to show the Polish solutions in this domain compared with the regulations in other countries and to present the research results and their analysis concerning Poles' attitude to free election broadcasts – including their assessment of the broadcasts as a source of knowledge about candidates and parties taking part in the election campaign. The studies were carried out based on the survey questionnaire, which was compiled using the five-level Likert scale. The sample was selected by the stratifiedquota method (N = 971). The conclusions resulting from the survey suggest the need to retain the regulation that enables political entities in Poland to use free election broadcasts during election campaigns. At the same time, they point out that it is necessary to seek more advantageous forms and content to put airtime to appropriate use during the campaign period.