Mass Communication and Media play an integral part in modern societies. This publication reflects on fundamental theoretical works and recent key texts from different backgrounds such as political analysis, feminism, media studies or Cultural Theory. It is designed as a workbook in European-Chinese intercultural studies. Therefore thorough descriptions of the texts in Chinese language are backed up by additional information and questions to ponder to deepen the understanding. This book is part of the series "interKULTUR European-Chinese intercultural Studies" which consists of teaching material for intercultural studies in higher education and research results of such studies.
Wong, Ho Yin. ; Thesis submitted in: October 2008. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 265-275). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii ; 緒論 --- p.iii ; Acknowledgement --- p.iv ; Abbreviations --- p.ix ; List of Tables --- p.ix ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introductory Chapter --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- The Two Research Questions --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Significance of Studying the DPJ --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Dissertation Framework --- p.7 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Chapter Conclusion --- p.12 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Background of Japanese Politics --- p.14 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Opposition Failure in Japan --- p.15 ; Chapter 2.2 --- External Constraints Faced by Opposition Parties --- p.17 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Electoral System --- p.17 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Electoral Campaign Law --- p.21 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- Clientelism and Centralized Government Financial Structure --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2.4 --- Party Organization of the LDP --- p.23 ; Chapter 2.2.5 --- Voting Behavior --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.2.6 --- Press Club System --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.2.7 --- Conclusion --- p.31 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Opposition Fragmentation in Japanese Politics --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Opposition Fragmentation under the 55´ة System --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- Opposition Cooperation and the Break Down of the 55´ة System --- p.37 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- The New Party System and Opposition Coalition Failure --- p.39 ; Chapter 2.3.4 --- The NFP Internal Fragmentation --- p.43 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Opposition Failure and the DPJ --- p.48 ; Chapter 2.4.1 --- The Emergence of the DPJ --- p.49 ; Chapter 2.4.2 --- The Expansion of the DPJ --- p.52 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Chapter Conclusion --- p.54 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Theory and Methodology --- p.57 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Party System --- p.58 ; Chapter 3.1.1 --- Four Attributes of a Party System --- p.58 ; Chapter 3.1.1.1 --- Number of Parties --- p.59 ; Chapter 3.1.1.2 --- Relative Strength and Size --- ...
The article explores the influence of the electoral polls on media coverage of political actors during election campaigns. Based on the presumptions of the structural media bias theory we investigate whether the polls can affect the way media report on particular political actors in the course of an electoral campaign. According to Zaller's media politics theory journalists are supposed to pay most attention to the candidate or political party leading in the polls. Also, the tone of media coverage of the leading candidate should be linked with his/her success in the race. This article adjusts the hypotheses of media politics to the condition of proportional party representation. The aim is to explore how media coverage of the non-parliamentary party Veci verejne related to its position in the polls and its anticipated importance for future development after the election. Adapted from the source document.
With reference to ideas presented in the theory of media malaise, the article aims to assess the role of negative campaigning in Czech elections and to analyse how it is perceived by voters, how it correlates with electoral preferences, and other important variables. The analysis is based on data from the Czech Election Survey 2010. The author draws from the causal relationship formulated in the above mentioned theory, according to which the effect of the news media and their emphasis on negative news and negativity contribute to growing political cynicism among citizens. Negative and conflicting media news, which are even more intense during election campaigns, activate the spiral of public cynicism and cause public trust in political actors to fall, as well as alignment and voter turnout (Cappella and Jamieson 1997). The author attempts to test the hypothesis: The more people watch the media and the more they are exposed to election campaign coverage, the greater is their political cynicism. Adapted from the source document.
The following comments compare the present orientations of Czech sociology with recent developments in European sociology. The analysis of sociology in Europe shows that the attention of European sociologists has shifted to social theory & social philosophy, sociology of culture, media, gender & feminism, political sociology, nationalism, ethnicity, & racism. Czech sociology, in the opinion of the author, still does not pay sufficient attention to such pressing issues of Czech society as national identity, nationalism, value transformations, the role of traditions, & European integration processes.
Since the 1960s, voting behaviour in advanced democratic states has undergone substantial changes. From this period, the transformation of social structures, increased education, and the expansion of new technologies in the field of mass media, among other things, are evident. The transformation factors that affect the voter and his choice are sooner or later reflected in new theoretical concepts describing electoral behaviour, whether it was the theory of party identification, voter choice based on issues or rational choice. So far, however, none of the theories have adequately reflected the effect of consumer-style thinking on electoral behaviour. A new trend in political marketing – political branding – aims to correct precisely this deficiency. Due to the fact that the relevant research in the field of political branding and its impact on the voting behaviour of individuals is still in its infancy, we are faced with a lack of robust theoretical foundations. The text thus aims to clarify this situation by gathering and analysing existing branding concepts, pointing to their strengths and weaknesses. Also, it contributes to the theoretical discussion by linking research on political branding to existing theories of voting behaviour, asking whether the related branding concepts are able to explain the voting behaviour of voters as well as whether they are open to further amendments and modifications. ; Since the 1960s, voting behaviour in advanced democratic states has undergone substantial changes. From this period, the transformation of social structures, increased education, and the expansion of new technologies in the field of mass media, among other things, are evident. The transformation factors that affect the voter and his choice are sooner or later reflected in new theoretical concepts describing electoral behaviour, whether it was the theory of party identification, voter choice based on issues or rational choice. So far, however, none of the theories have adequately reflected the effect of ...
香港主權移交中國以後,傳媒雖維持獨立自主和商業運作的模式,但過往的研究發現,政治力量對新聞的影響越來越大。例如新聞機構對新聞內容施行政治審查和媒體機構老闆及高層接受政治任命。這是否意味香港新聞界正衰失它的獨立性?本文研究香港新聞界的獨立性在1997 年後的政治融合中如何被構成。 ; 政治經濟學派和美國組織研究著重新聞界如何抗衡外部對新聞獨立性的影響,但究竟新聞獨立性是什麼?新聞獨立性與專業性之間有何關係?這方面的討論十分缺乏。本文提出以布迪爾〈Pierre Bourdieu〉理論補充對新聞獨立性的理解,並以布迪爾理論為基礎,整理出一個場域理論框架以分析新聞界的獨立性。布迪爾的理論認為新聞獨立性是一個相對的理念,而且會隨著社會變遷而改變。場域理論框架幫助理解外界壓力如何影響新聞獨立性,和解答為何某些記者有較大新聞獨立性。本研究組合了布迪爾的慣習〈habitus〉慨念和根據布廸爾理論而建構的決意〈commitment〉概念來分析不同記者行使不同新聞獨立性的狀況。 ; 本研究顯示,由於政治環境的變化,香港新聞界自八十年代起由政黨新聞範式轉換為客觀新聞範式。在1997 年前後,新聞界面臨需要融入新政體的壓力。本文以香港的中國新聞記者為分析個案,檢視政治融合壓力下的新聞報導工作和記者的獨立性有何轉變。本文的研究對象─中國新聞記者〈或稱中國組記者〉是指在香港媒體工作、專職報導中國新聞的香港記者。本研究選擇他們作研究個案是因為他們位處中港融合的前線。本研究共訪問了二十二名記者,另外亦從中國組記者的著作及演講中搜集研究材料。 ; 研究發現,香港的中國新聞報導正在「去政治化」。雖然記者察覺到新聞的製作過程存在政治審查,但他們在採訪時選擇配合官方─包括參加由官方安排的採訪團、使用內地媒體的內容和以官方發言作平衡報導。當記者認為自己正在客觀地報導,他們不覺察在政治力量對新聞製作的影響。本文分析記者的工作流程和新聞內容,發現中國新聞的去政治化正侵蝕新聞獨立性。此外,根據記者個人的文化資本和對報導中國的決意程度,本研究將中國組記者分成三類:局外記者、局內記者及共融記者。局外記者抗拒融入中國內地,但不察覺客觀報導包括的政治性。局內記者受他們的文化資本限制,不察覺資料來源和工作流程中存在的政治影響。擁有高文化資本和對聞工作高度投入的共融記者,由於對新聞工作有所反思,建立了一套對抗政治限制的報導策略,亦令他們能維持較高獨立性。 ; Studies show that there has been an increase in political influence on the news media in Hong Kong during national reintegration. Although Hong Kong media has appeared to retain much of its autonomy and seems to continue to exercise control over its commercial media system to a large extent, the Chinese State has been active in co-opting media owners and senior management, and there have been some instances of political censorship within media organizations. Does this imply the loss of professional autonomy in the Hong Kong journalistic field? This study sets out to examine the constitution of journalistic autonomy during the period of national reintegration in Hong Kong. ; Theoretically, this study enriches the understandings on journalistic autonomy by bringing in Bourdieu's theory of field. Political economists and American organizational studies both place stress on resisting the influences of political and economic forces on journalistic autonomy. But is autonomy only defined by resistance? Journalists ...
自2003年始,反坝运动席卷中国,被誉为"第一次公众参与开始影响中国工程决策"。相关研究多将之归功于中国近年来迅猛发展的公民社会与NGO力量。但在金沙江边村落,却出乎意料地形成可持续的、无(正式)组织及去精英化、本土民众自主广泛参与的反坝集体行动,并成功令当地水坝建设中止至今。本个案的独特性,无法单独通过社会运动或底层抗争理论对中国集体抗争的分析,而得到解释。 ; 在中国特殊政治环境下,尤其在严重缺乏自组织空间的底层乡土社会,农民广泛参与的集体抗争如何得以成为可能?带着这一问题,本研究整合社会运动研究和底层抗争研究两种理论框架,以实践论引领下的拓展个案研究法为研究方法论,对金沙江-虎跳峡流域的反坝集体行动展开深入研究。 ; 论文首先还原当地反坝抗争的真实经历以及底层行动者的实践逻辑,并通过对抗争的政治机会空间拓展、组织动员、框架与意义建构等三个关键过程深入分析,探讨集体行动的内在特征及发生机制。 ; 本论文发现:在全国反坝热潮背后,金沙江边逐渐形成一类独特的、既由本土社区主导又与全国性的反坝社会运动接壤的、多元去中心化的新型底层抗争生成机制/模式。三种结构性生成力量在背后起到关键作用:一是本土性社会文化因素;二是介入本土社区并与之发生紧密互动的外界公民社会力量;三是国家力量(包括"抽象国家"与"具体国家")的影响及其与本土的互动。 ; 以上因素在型塑独特的本土集体抗争模式的同时,也在底层乡村社区催生一批本土中层集体行动者骨干,推动广泛、具有潜在秩序的草根民众的"公民性"参与,孕育出更富于弹性、更多元异质的社会力以及本土化的公民社会行动空间,由此产生的底层自下而上的变革动力,有可能超越此前公民社会组织主导的社会运动与封闭乡村社区内相对无组织无序的底层抗争的两分,为中国底层变迁乃至公民社会发展预示新的路向。 ; Recent anti-dam movements in quasi-authoritarian China have triggered unprecedented public debate. Most existing researches focus on professional NGOs, intellectuals, media and other high-profile civil society forces, and propose an exogenous elite-driven model for understanding the movement and ensued social changes. ; However, the Jinsha River anti-dam protest revealed a different picture: endogenously grown and widely participated activism is blooming in the local communities, in the absence of formal movement organizations and without the leadership of outside NGOs. It is such local activism, working together with civil society forces from outside, that successfully blocked the dam construction. ; How could such indigenous activism with broad participation emerge within the highly restricted political space of contemporary China? To answer this question, I propose an integrated approach combining the perspectives of the social movement literature and the resistance studies. The major research methodology is the Extended Case Method (ECM) based on the Theory of Practice. ; This thesis firstly attempts to describe the generative process of local anti-dam protest activism and the practical logic of indigenous activists from a bottom-up perspective. It ...
