How to theorize communication in social sciences? This text has two goals. First, to rely on the work of Louis Quéré, revealing the strengths and weaknesses of the two dominant models of two dominant models: an epistemological model enrolling the theory of information and cybernetics in an instrumental aim; a political model that aims at inter-understanding at the service of self-determination of the citizens in the elaboration of norms that govern them. Moreover, we wish to add to this review, two models which go beyond the limits of the first two approaches: a praxeological model that relies on praxis as an organizing activity of shared perspectives; a model of incommunication that reverses the situation and makes the impossibility of achieving intercomprehension the norm.
The chemical effects which result from the passage of energetic atoms through liquid or gaseous media, have been studied by means of exact methods of the theory of probability. The distribution function for the number of hot products has been determined in terms of the efficiency of reaction upon collision.
In her dissertation, Children, Parents, Media and Risk Society: Are Content Ratings Making Media Regulation Possible?, Sophie Jehel examines the role of television and videogame ratings, involved in the content regulation system. In the first section, the author shows how in the family and social environment, debates involving childhood protection are regularly avoided for fear of provoking the issue of "censorship"; this idea completely misses the point of the current legal and economic states of the mass media. Today, television and radio, like "new media" such as internet and social networking applications, are a key element of the "Risk Society." (U. Beck). Similar to other industries, the media grow using the « social production of risk » in many ways, like broadcasting violent or shocking content. Therefore the media needs to regulate content to protect children. In theory, the co-regulation system advocated by the European Union, which involves citizen and user control, is meant to counterbalance the auto-regulation system of the rating process. In the second section, the author, drawing from a survey which examined 1142 children in their final year of elementary school (5th grade in France), or in their first year of junior high school (6th grade in France), and 781 of their parents, analyzes the utilization of content ratings. Today, the risks produced by the media are everywhere in the media environment, and affect people of every social background, but boys and particularly children from working class backgrounds–especially the ones who study in schools ZEP (Priority Education Zone)– are more exposed to situations of "risk". In general, parents and children widely consider the rating system good, but at this point, because of a lack of understanding, they cannot effectively counterbalance the influence of media. Therefore, successful co-regulation remains a long shot. ; Dans sa thèse, Enfants, parents, médias et société du risque. Les classifications de contenu permettent-elles une régulation des ...
In her dissertation, Children, Parents, Media and Risk Society: Are Content Ratings Making Media Regulation Possible?, Sophie Jehel examines the role of television and videogame ratings, involved in the content regulation system. In the first section, the author shows how in the family and social environment, debates involving childhood protection are regularly avoided for fear of provoking the issue of "censorship"; this idea completely misses the point of the current legal and economic states of the mass media. Today, television and radio, like "new media" such as internet and social networking applications, are a key element of the "Risk Society." (U. Beck). Similar to other industries, the media grow using the « social production of risk » in many ways, like broadcasting violent or shocking content. Therefore the media needs to regulate content to protect children. In theory, the co-regulation system advocated by the European Union, which involves citizen and user control, is meant to counterbalance the auto-regulation system of the rating process. In the second section, the author, drawing from a survey which examined 1142 children in their final year of elementary school (5th grade in France), or in their first year of junior high school (6th grade in France), and 781 of their parents, analyzes the utilization of content ratings. Today, the risks produced by the media are everywhere in the media environment, and affect people of every social background, but boys and particularly children from working class backgrounds–especially the ones who study in schools ZEP (Priority Education Zone)– are more exposed to situations of "risk". In general, parents and children widely consider the rating system good, but at this point, because of a lack of understanding, they cannot effectively counterbalance the influence of media. Therefore, successful co-regulation remains a long shot. ; Dans sa thèse, Enfants, parents, médias et société du risque. Les classifications de contenu permettent-elles une régulation des ...
In her dissertation, Children, Parents, Media and Risk Society: Are Content Ratings Making Media Regulation Possible?, Sophie Jehel examines the role of television and videogame ratings, involved in the content regulation system. In the first section, the author shows how in the family and social environment, debates involving childhood protection are regularly avoided for fear of provoking the issue of "censorship"; this idea completely misses the point of the current legal and economic states of the mass media. Today, television and radio, like "new media" such as internet and social networking applications, are a key element of the "Risk Society." (U. Beck). Similar to other industries, the media grow using the « social production of risk » in many ways, like broadcasting violent or shocking content. Therefore the media needs to regulate content to protect children. In theory, the co-regulation system advocated by the European Union, which involves citizen and user control, is meant to counterbalance the auto-regulation system of the rating process. In the second section, the author, drawing from a survey which examined 1142 children in their final year of elementary school (5th grade in France), or in their first year of junior high school (6th grade in France), and 781 of their parents, analyzes the utilization of content ratings. Today, the risks produced by the media are everywhere in the media environment, and affect people of every social background, but boys and particularly children from working class backgrounds–especially the ones who study in schools ZEP (Priority Education Zone)– are more exposed to situations of "risk". In general, parents and children widely consider the rating system good, but at this point, because of a lack of understanding, they cannot effectively counterbalance the influence of media. Therefore, successful co-regulation remains a long shot. ; Dans sa thèse, Enfants, parents, médias et société du risque. Les classifications de contenu permettent-elles une régulation des médias ? Sophie Jehel pose la question de la place des signalétiques (TV, jeu vidéo) dans le cadre de la régulation des contenus tant familiale que sociale. Dans une première partie, l'auteur montre comment les débats sur la protection de l'enfance sont régulièrement enterrés en France par crainte de faire ressurgir la « censure », en décalage complet avec la situation juridique et économique des médias de masse. Les médias audiovisuels comme les nouveaux médias sont aujourd'hui au cœur de la « société du risque » (U. Beck). Comme les autres industries, ils développent leur croissance sur la « production sociale de risque » de multiples façons, la diffusion de contenus violents ou crus fait partie de cette économie. Les médias sont donc tenus de fournir aussi des outils de protection pour les enfants. Le système de corégulation prôné par l'Union Européenne doit en principe contrebalancer le développement de l'autorégulation des procédures de classification par un contrôle des citoyens utilisateurs. Dans une seconde partie, l'auteure s'appuyant sur une enquête auprès de 1142 enfants de CM2 et de sixième et 781 de leurs parents analyse les usages des classifications de contenu. Si les risques médiatiques sont aujourd'hui très dispersés tant dans l'environnement médiatique que dans les différents espaces sociaux, les garçons et les enfants des milieux populaires, particulièrement ceux fréquentant des établissements ZEP, sont confrontés à des situations de risque renforcé. Si les parents et les enfants adhèrent massivement aux systèmes de classification, ils ne peuvent pour le moment jouer de rôle de contrepouvoir car ils en comprennent mal les procédures. La corégulation reste aujourd'hui un horizon lointain.
International audience ; Following the waves of protest that rocked American society during the 1960s, and in order to address the enduring inequalities, the United States adopted a series of multicultural policies and programs aimed at promoting cultural diversity and greater social justice. From then on, the concept of multiculturalism gained considerable currency in national political discourses, the mainstream media and academic circles, becoming thereby a progressive approach to addressing race-based issues of which the American society had great difficulty grappling with. Despite the hopes multicultural programs raised among racial and ethnic minorities, and even if the figures at the time seemed to reflect a more inclusive welfare state, it appeared, as early as the 1980s, that America had not yet entered into a post-civil rights era. Yet, neo-conservatives undertook to dismantle key social programs related to multiculturalism, and instead subscribed to the ideal of an American society organized solely on the basis of social justice regardless of colour, "race" or ethnic origin. The article primarily examines the theoretical and political issues raised by multiculturalism and Critical Race Theory in the field of education – the first accused of reproducing at another level patterns of racial domination or serving as an instrument for the deracialization of American society, the second, in reaction to the perceived limits of multiculturalism and neoliberal policies, seeks to unveil the institutional and discursive mechanisms that contribute to the perpetuation of racial inequalities. ; Del multiculturalismo a la Teoría Racial Crítica. Reflexiones sobre la educación y los procesos de desracialización de la experiencia afroamericanaTras las olas de protesta que hicieron tambalear la sociedad estadounidense durante los 60, y ante la persistente desigualdad, los Estados Unidos han adoptado una serie de políticas y programas multiculturales destinados a promover la diversidad cultural y una mayor justicia ...
The first chapter summarises and anticipates most of the research topics. Paragraphs 1 and 2 show the surprise and perplexity of some pre-eminent liberal-democratic intellectuals facing Berlusconi's victory in 1994, which, along with the transformation of the electoral law in the previous years, mark out the passage to the "second republic" according to the current opinion. My research suggests that 1994 instead marked the return to an anti-political culture which was repressed for a long time and Berlusconi was able to interpret and represent, both in his television channels and in the direct political propaganda. I believe that the defeat of the referendum in 1995 for the repeal of television duopoly and the limitation of advertising (§.3) are, on the other hand, a much clearer clue of his hegemony as public figure and "commanager" ("communication manager" – P. Musso), but traditional politicians are highly responsible for the origin of the duopoly and his achievement of "neotelevision" (Casetti-Odin) hegemony (§.4). In §.5, 6 and 8, I expound the two keys to understand the history of "neotelevision" (Casetti-Odin) which will guide my research especially in chapters 5, 6 and 7: the "Meyrowitz effect" and the "Chomsky effect" (quotation marks are necessary because I do not expect them to be theories which can be formalised and universalised, but they can only be clues for the organization and interpretation of historical data). The first theory suggests the possibility that "neotelevision" in Italy caused the progressive loss of aura, prestige and authority of parents, politicians and adults in general. Meyrowitz theory, inspired by Goffman's dramaturgical sociology, aimed to explain the rise of protest movements in America with the widespread of television sets among American families (almost half of them had a television set in 1954). Nevertheless "paleotelevision" in Italy cannot significantly explain these same movements: it was less widespread, it had a smaller amount of hours of transmission, it had only ...
International audience ; Following the waves of protest that rocked American society during the 1960s, and in order to address the enduring inequalities, the United States adopted a series of multicultural policies and programs aimed at promoting cultural diversity and greater social justice. From then on, the concept of multiculturalism gained considerable currency in national political discourses, the mainstream media and academic circles, becoming thereby a progressive approach to addressing race-based issues of which the American society had great difficulty grappling with. Despite the hopes multicultural programs raised among racial and ethnic minorities, and even if the figures at the time seemed to reflect a more inclusive welfare state, it appeared, as early as the 1980s, that America had not yet entered into a post-civil rights era. Yet, neo-conservatives undertook to dismantle key social programs related to multiculturalism, and instead subscribed to the ideal of an American society organized solely on the basis of social justice regardless of colour, "race" or ethnic origin. The article primarily examines the theoretical and political issues raised by multiculturalism and Critical Race Theory in the field of education – the first accused of reproducing at another level patterns of racial domination or serving as an instrument for the deracialization of American society, the second, in reaction to the perceived limits of multiculturalism and neoliberal policies, seeks to unveil the institutional and discursive mechanisms that contribute to the perpetuation of racial inequalities. ; Del multiculturalismo a la Teoría Racial Crítica. Reflexiones sobre la educación y los procesos de desracialización de la experiencia afroamericanaTras las olas de protesta que hicieron tambalear la sociedad estadounidense durante los 60, y ante la persistente desigualdad, los Estados Unidos han adoptado una serie de políticas y programas multiculturales destinados a promover la diversidad cultural y una mayor justicia social. El concepto de multiculturalismo se hizo entonces cada vez más popular a través del discurso político nacional, los medios de comunicación y el mundo académico, estableciéndose así como un enfoque progresivo para abordar la cuestión racial que la sociedad estadounidense estaba teniendo grandes dificultades para comprender. A pesar de las esperanzas planteadas por esta política de reconocimiento, e incluso si las encuestas parecían reflejar entonces un estado de bienestar más inclusivo, parece, desde principios de la década de 1980, que Estados Unidos no había entrado por completo en un periodo posterior a las luchas por los derechos civicos. Sin embargo, los neoconservadores se habían comprometido a desmantelar los programas de multiculturalismo, suscribiéndose al ideal de una sociedad estadounidense organizada únicamente sobre la base de la justicia social independientemente de la raza u origen étnico. Este artículo analiza las cuestiones teóricas y políticas planteadas por el multiculturalismo y la Teoria Racial Crítica en el campo de la educación - el primero acusado de reproducir a otro nivel el patrón de dominación racial o incluso de ser un instrumento de la desracialización de la sociedad estadounidense, el segundo, en respuesta a las limitaciones percibidas de las políticas multiculturales liberales y neoliberales, busca exponer los mecanismos institucionales y discursivos que contribuyen a la perpetuación de las desigualdades raciales. ; À la suite des vagues de contestation qui ébranlèrent la société américaine au cours des années 1960 et face aux inégalités persistantes, les États-Unis ont adopté toute une série de politiques et de programmes multiculturels visant à promouvoir la diversité culturelle et une plus grande justice sociale. Le concept de multiculturalisme connut alors une popularité croissante à travers les discours politiques nationaux, les médias et le monde académique, s'imposant de ce fait comme une approche progressive pour aborder la problématique raciale dont la société américaine éprouvait beaucoup de difficultés à se saisir. En dépit des espoirs suscités par cette politique de reconnaissance et même si les sondages semblent alors refléter un État-providence plus inclusif, il apparaît, dès le début des années 1980, que l'Amérique n'était pas intégralement entrée dans une ère post-droits civiques. Pour autant, les néoconservateurs avaient entrepris de démanteler les programmes issus du multiculturalisme, en souscrivant à l'idéal d'une société américaine organisée uniquement sur la base d'une justice sociale sans égard à la « race » ou à l'origine ethnique. Cet article s'intéresse aux enjeux théoriques et politiques soulevés par le multiculturalisme et la Critical Race Theory dans le domaine de l'éducation – le premier accusé de reproduire à un autre niveau le schéma de la domination raciale voire d'être un instrument de déracialisation de la société américaine ; le second, en réaction aux limites perçues des politiques multiculturelles libérales et néolibérales, s'attache à dévoiler les mécanismes institutionnels et discursifs qui contribuent à la perpétuation des inégalités raciales.
The first chapter summarises and anticipates most of the research topics. Paragraphs 1 and 2 show the surprise and perplexity of some pre-eminent liberal-democratic intellectuals facing Berlusconi's victory in 1994, which, along with the transformation of the electoral law in the previous years, mark out the passage to the "second republic" according to the current opinion. My research suggests that 1994 instead marked the return to an anti-political culture which was repressed for a long time and Berlusconi was able to interpret and represent, both in his television channels and in the direct political propaganda. I believe that the defeat of the referendum in 1995 for the repeal of television duopoly and the limitation of advertising (§.3) are, on the other hand, a much clearer clue of his hegemony as public figure and "commanager" ("communication manager" – P. Musso), but traditional politicians are highly responsible for the origin of the duopoly and his achievement of "neotelevision" (Casetti-Odin) hegemony (§.4). In §.5, 6 and 8, I expound the two keys to understand the history of "neotelevision" (Casetti-Odin) which will guide my research especially in chapters 5, 6 and 7: the "Meyrowitz effect" and the "Chomsky effect" (quotation marks are necessary because I do not expect them to be theories which can be formalised and universalised, but they can only be clues for the organization and interpretation of historical data). The first theory suggests the possibility that "neotelevision" in Italy caused the progressive loss of aura, prestige and authority of parents, politicians and adults in general. Meyrowitz theory, inspired by Goffman's dramaturgical sociology, aimed to explain the rise of protest movements in America with the widespread of television sets among American families (almost half of them had a television set in 1954). Nevertheless "paleotelevision" in Italy cannot significantly explain these same movements: it was less widespread, it had a smaller amount of hours of transmission, it had only one channel at first, then two…; in addition to this many other stimuli (starting from the "contagion" of the movement from abroad) appeared at that time. On the contrary "neotelevision" was a sudden change which concerned all the variables (hours of transmission, channels, etc…), therefore a further loss of adults' prestige could be expected from it, but in a form different from protest. The "Chomsky effect" can integrate the "Meyrowitz effect". According to Chomsky, media that lives off advertisement have to "produce" (I would say: attract, select, shape) the public, which then they will have to "sell to advertisers". Program schedules of "neotelevision" will be, therefore, at complete disposal of the advertisers' demands. It is certainly not a new idea, nor an idea had only by Chomsky, who uses it in an apodictic way against media mainstream: among others Antonio Pilati shares this idea, but with an apologetic intent (cf. §.8). Of course this "effect" is even less scientifically definable, because the educational process itself requires a long period of time, it is the result of too many crossed factors and its consequences are considered to be hardly predictable, or even unpredictable. Nevertheless, from those years, Italians' attitude towards advertising and brands has gone through changes so drastic (as evidenced by Eurisko researches) that we cannot avoid relating them to the contemporary development of "neotelevision". Moreover advertising targeting children and youngsters aims to make them consumers that are independent from their parents and to some extent it reinforces the "Meyrovitz effect". Both the "effects" aim to develop television as independent educational curriculum. ; Le premier chapitre résume et anticipe une grande partie des thèmes de la recherche. Le §.1 et le 2 montrent la surprise et l'égarement de certains autorisés intellectuels libéraux démocratiques face à la victoire de Berlusconi en 1994, qui, avec les transformations de la loi électorale en 1993, marquerait, selon l'opinion courante, le passage à la « deuxième République ». Ma recherche suggère plutôt que 1994 a été le retour à une culture antipolitique longtemps refoulée, que Berlusconi a bien su interpréter et représenter, tant dans ses télévisions que dans sa propagande politique directe. En revanche à mon avis c'est la défaite des référendums de 1995 pour l'abrogation du duopole télévisuel et pour la limitation de la publicité (§.3) qui montre des indices bien plus forts de son hégémonie en tant que personnage public et « commanager » (« communication manager » - P. Musso), mais les politiciens traditionnels ont de graves responsabilités en ce qui concerne les origines du duopole et le développement de son hégémonie télévisuelle (§.4). Dans le §.5,6 et 8 j'expose les deux clefs d'interprétation de l'histoire de la néo-télévision qui guideront ma recherche surtout dans les ch. 5, 6 et 7 : l' « effet Meyrowitz » et l' « l'effet Chomsky » (les guillemets sont nécessaires car je ne prétends pas qu'il s'agisse de théories pouvant être universalisées et formalisées, mais seulement de critères pour l'organisation et l'interprétation des données historiques). La première suggère la possibilité que la néo-télévision en Italie ait stimulé la perte progressive de l'aura, du prestige et de l'autorité des parents, des politiciens et en général des adultes. La théorie de Meyrowitz, inspirée à la sociologie dramaturgique de Goffman, visait à expliquer l'époque des mouvements de la contestation en Amérique par le biais de la diffusion de la télévision parmi les familles américaines (50% environ d'entre elles avaient un poste en 1954). Mais le recours à la paléotélévision ne peut pas donner de contributions importantes à la compréhension de ces mêmes mouvements en Italie : elle y était moins répandue, avait beaucoup moins d'heures d'émission, avait une seule chaîne au début et au maximum deux, etc ; et de toute façon beaucoup d'autres stimulations (la contagion étrangère, p.ex) se sont manifestées. La néotélévision en revanche a constitué un changement rapide qui a concerné tous les aspects (heures d'émission, nombre de chaînes,etc), donc ont peut s'attendre à une ultérieure perte de prestige des adultes, mais dans une forme différente par rapport à la contestation. L' « effet Chomsky » peut intégrer l' « effet Meyrowitz ». Selon Chomsky, les médias qui vivent de publicité doivent « produire » (je dirais : attirer, sélectionner, former) leur public, qu'ils devront « vendre aux annonceurs ». Les grilles de la néo-télévision seront donc au service des exigences des ces derniers. Il ne s'agit certes pas d'une idée nouvelle, ni d'une idée de Chomsky seulement, qui l'emploie de façon apodictique dans sa polémique contre les media mainstream : elle est partagée entre autres par A. Pilati avec une intention décidemment apologétique (cf. §.8). Naturellement cet « effet » est encore moins déterminable de manière scientifique, car la formation concerne notamment en tant que telle la longue période, est le résultat de trop de facteurs croisés et ses conséquences sont difficilement prévisibles, sinon carrément imprévisibles. Néanmoins les attitudes des italiens envers la publicité et les marques ont changé depuis de façon si radicale (cf sondages Eurisko) que l'on ne peut que les mettre en relation avec le développement contemporain de la néotélévision. En outre la publicité adressée aux enfants vise à en faire des consommateurs autonomes par rapport à leurs parents.
This article tries to explore the chronicity of the Malian crisis (2012-2015) in the light of the country's historical past. France's management of this situation requires a modern communication strategy that combines the humanitarian dimension with military experience. The aim is to present the military passage to the media as one of the elements of a more ambitious and noble peaceful ambition, such as to steal the rescue of a friend in difficulty. The Malian crisis, like other African crises such as Darfur, has its roots in the long term history. This record of historicity and the recurrence of 'ethnic' clashes, over a long period of time, are typical elements of complex and lasting crises. The author draws on the work of Edgar Morin to characterise the Malian issue as the paradigm of the complex and chronic crisis. This is an 'endemic' outbreak — paradoxical model of permanent convulsion. The cessation of military embrasment and armed hostilities does not correspond to a real fire extinguishment or genuine peace agreements, but to precarious and fragile peaceful solutions that can ignite again. This paper is an attempt to explore the chronic dimension of the crisis in Mali (2012-2015) raising the past and the History of this country. The French way to handle the situation foster a modern communication strategy associating the humanitarian dimension to the military experience. The military adventure was presented to the media as a limited element of a wider and more noble and peaceful ambition like assisting a friendly country in trouble. The war in Mali, like in others African crises, such as Darfur, has its roots causes in the long term history. This category of temporality added up with ethnic confrontations, on long period of time, are typical of what we can consider a complex and sustainable crisis. It is inspired by Edgar Morin to distinguish the crisis in Mali as a paradigm of a complex and chronic crisis. It is a question of Endemic Blaze (Outburst) -a paradox model of permanent convulsion (SPASM). The ...
This doctoral thesis explores the validity of the agenda setting theory in the social media platform of Twitter. The theory has shown how the mass media prioritize information using the "issue salience" to try to influence public opinion. This thesis seeks to determine whether this theory, conceived in an era prior to the advent of digital media, can be applied to Twitter, which is both a mass media source and a selective news media source.This research is conducted in the field of political communication. Two studies have examined the accounts of political personalities and mass media sources present on Twitter in two Twitterspheres, France and Kuwait, during a selected period of the year 2016, corresponding for France to the primaries that preceded the presidential elections. A survey of users of these Twitterspheres completes this analysis.The results showed under what conditions an effect of "agenda setting" can form and create conversations beyond the "filtration bubble" that commands the selective exposure to information. ; Cette thèse de doctorat explore la validité de la notion d'agenda setting sur un média social particulier : Twitter. La théorie de l'agenda setting a montré comment les médias de masse utilise la hiérarchisation de l'information et la « prépondérance des sujets » (« issue salience ») pour tenter d'agir sur l'opinion publique. La thèse cherche à déterminer si cette théorie, conçue à une époque antérieure à l'avènement des médias numériques, peut s'appliquer à Twitter qui est à la fois un média de masse et un média d'exposition sélective à l'information.La recherche est menée sur le terrain de la communication politique. Deux études ont examinés et comparés les comptes de personnalités politiques et de medias d'information générale dans deux Twittosphères : l'une française et l'autre koweitienne durant une période de l'année 2016, correspondant pour la France aux primaires qui ont précédé les présidentielles. Une enquête sur les utilisateurs de ...
This doctoral thesis explores the validity of the agenda setting theory in the social media platform of Twitter. The theory has shown how the mass media prioritize information using the "issue salience" to try to influence public opinion. This thesis seeks to determine whether this theory, conceived in an era prior to the advent of digital media, can be applied to Twitter, which is both a mass media source and a selective news media source.This research is conducted in the field of political communication. Two studies have examined the accounts of political personalities and mass media sources present on Twitter in two Twitterspheres, France and Kuwait, during a selected period of the year 2016, corresponding for France to the primaries that preceded the presidential elections. A survey of users of these Twitterspheres completes this analysis.The results showed under what conditions an effect of "agenda setting" can form and create conversations beyond the "filtration bubble" that commands the selective exposure to information. ; Cette thèse de doctorat explore la validité de la notion d'agenda setting sur un média social particulier : Twitter. La théorie de l'agenda setting a montré comment les médias de masse utilise la hiérarchisation de l'information et la « prépondérance des sujets » (« issue salience ») pour tenter d'agir sur l'opinion publique. La thèse cherche à déterminer si cette théorie, conçue à une époque antérieure à l'avènement des médias numériques, peut s'appliquer à Twitter qui est à la fois un média de masse et un média d'exposition sélective à l'information.La recherche est menée sur le terrain de la communication politique. Deux études ont examinés et comparés les comptes de personnalités politiques et de medias d'information générale dans deux Twittosphères : l'une française et l'autre koweitienne durant une période de l'année 2016, correspondant pour la France aux primaires qui ont précédé les présidentielles. Une enquête sur les utilisateurs de ...
Der Band enthält die Abstracts ausschließlich in englischer Sprache. ; This article explores the political implications, both at the time and for present-day readers, of the way La Princesse de Clèves calls into question gender norms/roles. Analyzing plots and characters in Lafayette's text and readers/critics' reactions in various contexts, it foregrounds the unsettling potential of a text that paradoxically moved from the position of hapax-cum- media-sensation to that of a paradigm of the early-modern novel. By focusing on its continued efficacy in disturbing heteronormative stereotypes, it sheds light on the way literature from before the modern era can contribute to identifying and analyzing queerness and gender dissidence in past historical contexts. ; L'article ne contient que des résumés en anglais.
The monograph presents the analysis of the process of constructing national identity in the educational discourse on the example of textbooks. Using the theory and postcolonial discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau, the author reconstructs the discourses involved in the rhetorical construction of national identity and poses the question of inclusion in civic education. The basis for discussion is the analysis of the content of textbooks carried out in the perspective of research on media education (educational media studies), and critical pedagogy. The work combines research on the pedagogical discourse of the linguistic approach. Analysis of rhetorical processes of constructing identity is enriched therefore the analysis of the conceptual metaphors concerning the categories of the nation in terms of George Lakoff and Mark Johnson. Discourse Analysis is conducted on the basis of the method James Paul Gee. An important element of the book are theoretical considerations on the possibility to agree on processes of constructing identity postkolonializmie and discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau.
