Suchergebnisse

Ovaj rad ispituje odnos između građanskih prosvjeda i društvenih medija iz perspektive istraživačkog programa kolektivnog djelovanja. Dok literatura ukazuje na snažne empirijske dokaze o pozitivnom odnosu između upotrebe društvenih medija i pojave građanskih prosvjeda, teorijsko je podupiranje ovog odnosa osporavano i često neodređeno. Nastojeći pružiti snažniju teorijsku osnovu za taj odnos, ovaj rad istražuje teorije kolektivnog djelovanja fokusirajući se na društvene medije i njihovu ulogu u rješavanju problema kolektivnog djelovanja onih koji se suprotstavljaju službenoj politici. Rad promišlja kako upotreba teorije kolektivnog djelovanja za razumijevanje društvenih medija i prosvjeda može poslužiti boljem razumijevanju pozitivnog odnosa između društvenih medija i pojave građanskih prosvjeda. ; This article examines the relationship between social protest and social media from the theoretical perspective of the Collective Action Research Program. While the literature shows strong empirical evidence for a positive relationship between social media use and incidents of social protest, the theoretical underpinnings of this relationship remain contested and often unspecified. In order to provide a stronger theoretical basis for this relationship this paper explores theories of collective action, focusing on how social media can assist in solving the dissident collective action problem. It argues that using collective action theory to understand social media and protest can better inform our understanding of how and why social media shares a positive relationship with incidents of social protest.

The paper analyzes and discusses two sets of issues: (1) differences between the avant-garde and the neo-avant-garde, and (2) different avant-garde and neo-avant-garde approaches to materialism in a philosophical, political, and aesthetic sense. The avant-garde and the neo-avant-garde were seldom doctrinaire, but one can nevertheless speak about the circularity of beliefs and attitudes, the mobility of theoretical and practical platforms from self-destructiveness to artistic and media nomadism, in the manner of rhizomatic manifolds. Certainly, there are common obsessions with the unity of art and life, or the fundamental turn of art into life, which are expressed by the macro-utopian projections of the new society (industrial society, communist society) forwarded by avant-garde artists, or by the concretizations of micro-utopias (communes, alternative production and exhibition institutions) by neo-avant-garde artists. Examples of primary materialism, aleatory materialism, historical materialism, and basic materialism are given in order to point out the unstable relations between the medium (material) and the media (technique, technology) of communication, but also non-communication. ; U radu se analiziraju i raspravljaju dvije tematizacije: (1) razlike avangarde i neoavangarde i (2) različiti avangardistički i neoavangardistički pristupi materijalizmu u filozofskom, političkom i estetičkom smislu. Avangarde i neoavangarde su rijetko kada bile doktrinarne, prije se može govoriti o cirkularnosti uvjerenja i stavova, mobilnosti teorijskih i praktičnih platformi od autodestruktivnosti do umjetničkog i medijskog nomadizma te o antagonizmima istovremenog suočavanja s dijalektičkim napetostima i obratima, strukturnom proizvodnjom razlika i beskrajnim usložnjavanjima mogućnosti na način rizomatičnih mnogostrukosti. Svakako, postoje i zajedničke opsesije jedinstvom umjetnosti i života ili fundamentalnim obratom umjetnosti u život, koje se iskazuju makroutopijskim projekcijama novog društva (industrijskog društva, komunističkog društva) kod avangardista ili konkretizacijama mikroutopija (komune, alternativne produkcijske i izlagačke institucije) kod neoavangardista. Izvedeni su primjeri primarnog materijalizma, aleatornog materijalizma, historijskog materijalizma te baznog materijalizma da bi se upozorilo na relativne odnose medija (materijala) i medija (tehnike, tehnologije) komunikacije, ali i nekomunikacije.

Ovaj članak nastoji prikazati na istraživanju utemeljeno razumijevanje uloge medija u tranzicijskim zemljama. Naše se istraživanje fokusira na procese političke socijalizacije, na političko ponašanje i vjerodostojnost te daje primjere iz triju regija: središnje i istočne Europe, Latinske Amerike te Bliskog istoka i sjeverne Afrike. Pozornost smo skrenuli na neke od glavnih radova relevantnih za studije masovnih medija u tranzicijskom kontekstu s ciljem uvida u važne teorije dostupne u studijama o medijima i demokratizaciji. Svjesni ograničenja koja postavlja priroda i opseg uzorka pregledanih studija, identificirali smo i raspravili neke od potencijalnih ključnih prepreka razvoju teorije o političkoj socijalizaciji, političkom ponašanju i vjerodostojnosti u navedenim područjima te predložili alternativne pristupe u istraživanju. ; This article seeks to compile an empirically-based understanding of the role of media in countries in transition. The study focuses on the processes of political socialization, behaviour and accountability, and gives examples from three regions: Central and Eastern Europe, Latin America, and the Middle East/North Africa region. We draw on some of the major works relevant to the study of mass media in these transitional contexts with the aim of discerning emergent theories available to the study of media and democratisation. While aware of the limitations posed by the nature and scope of the sample of the studies reviewed, we do identify and discuss some of the potentially key obstacles to theory-building and propose some alternative paths of enquiry.

Postalo je gotovo uobičajeno sugerirati kako nove tehnologije, nove politike i nove ekonomije donose mnoge izazove koji ugrožavaju opstojnost koncepta javne radio-televizije (engl. public service broadcasting) i institucija javnih radio-televizija. Iz tih izazova, u duhu plemenitog optimizma, proizišla je ideja kako javne radio-televizije mogu biti redefinirane u javne medijske servise i kako njihova vrijednost može biti mjerljiva pa samim time i "vjerodostojna". Ovaj pak članak sugerira ne samo da je to vjerojatno pogrešno nego i da je ono što je zapravo na stvari povijesno određena borba oko vrijednosti koje će modernitet prihvatiti. ; It has become common place to suggest that the concept and institutions of public service broadcasting (PSB) are being fundamentally challenged by new technologies, new politics and new economics. Out of these challenges, in a kind of noble optimism, has emerged the idea that PSB can be reimagined as public service media, the worth of which can be made measurable and therefore 'accountable.' This article suggests that not only is this likely misplaced, it also masks the fact that what is actually in play is a historically defined struggle over the values that will constitute modernity.

Departing from the criticisms that have been raised towards the volume Comparing Media Systems (Hallin and Mancini, 2004) I'll try to discuss which consequences the adoption of the "concept" of system may imply for media studies, what its advantages are and what risks. The first part of the article is devoted to discussing how and when the notion of "system" has been used in political science starting from the work of Easton, Almond and Powell and many others. I'll try to highlight which are the main points of strength and weakness and which definitions have been used. Then I'll move to the field of communication studies: here I'll show how there has been a shift from the study of the effects of the message towards a more general approach linking the media to the surrounding context. I will focus mainly on the work of Blumler and Gurvitch who have been among the first scholars to use such a concept in political communication comparative research. Particular attention will be devoted to the discussion of the notion of "system" as deriving from system theory and functionalist approach. The last part of the text is devoted to discussing similarities and differences in the use that political scientists and media scholars have made of the concept of "system". Adapted from the source document.

Mass media produce various communicational products in the form of messages coded in the symbolic language of writing, sound or image, which they distribute through the open public space for unknown users. Unlike the traditional theories, which directed their attention above all to the social effects of media products, the systemic theory inquires into the very process of their production, deeming that precisely the latter is the real reality of mass media: the factual operations which are performed systemically, through application of the binary code of information/non-information, and according to the internal rules of its structure. The real reality, however, is inaccessible to the observer. Consequently, he can gain knowledge of it only in such a way as to construct from the forms in which it appears to him an observed reality as his own perception thereof. The systemic theory suggests that its construction of mass media reality is most congruous with their real reality. Keeping in mind that each observer performs his construction of reality of the thing observed in accordance with his own knowledge and understanding, the author asks himself: where is the evidence of the trustworthiness of such constructions? Adapted from the source document.

Using critical theory of media and technology as a theoretical framework, we describe the dialectical interrelation between (media) technology and democratic changes, where new media technology only paved the way to organization and exchange of information during 'Arab Spring', but was not its cause. 'Arab Spring' as the case in point proved a negative correlation between the level of communication technology (new media) and the intensity of protests, according to which a higher level of accessibility to new media led to a lower level of protests. Also, we observe an uneven impact of new media on democratic changes, i.e. internet social networks had a secondary role in creating media news, compared to satellite TV which at an early stage of 'Arab Spring' enabled the actors of online civil society to have an impact on state politics to a large extent. Arab new media cannot yet lead to democratic changes nor explain their causes, but merely alter patterns of mobilization and organization of social and political events. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyzes the development of journalism from practice to theory & outlines the stages in the formation of the science of journalism or novitology. As an interdisciplinary, synthetic science, novitology connects everyday journalistic practice & meta-theoretical deliberations on the scope & the potential of journalism as a social function. While cogitating on the general tasks of journalism, the author focuses on the creation of news & its dissemination, fostering awareness of the methodological instruments, the moral dimensions of journalism, & modern media technology. All these chain-links should be connected in journalistic science; also, the relationships & inter-relations among universal, particular, & individual disciplines within the system of novitology should be analyzed by means of a systematic methodology. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

The current trends in media industry (in the text referred to as concentration trend, diversification, globalization, & deregulation) bring up the question of the scope of classical liberal theory when faced with the challenges of new communication technologies. The convergence of the market & the capital, the interests from the point of view of ownership & the commercialization of mass media make up the contextual framework of the debate about certain limitations of the principles of classical liberal theory concerning freedom of the press & media in general. 1 Table, 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article analyzes the relations among "communicology," "novitology," & journalism as the practice of public communication. Communicology is defined as a general science on public communication (philosophy of communication), novitology as a specific science dealing with all the singularities of mass communication by means of the mass media (radio, newspapers, TV, & the new media), & journalism as a practice defined by means of the methodology of direct journalistic activities. This leads to the introduction of epistemological order into a number of sciences. Also, misunderstandings & overlappings are avoided, as well as totally erroneous attitudes pernicious for the theory of public communication & journalism as the practice of public polylogue in the media. 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

Like other landmark historic events, the war on the territory of former Yugoslavia has been explained by three types of theories: mythological, scientific, & commonsensical -- the latter making use of certain pseudoscientific arguments. The author claims that the theory blaming the media in all six republics of former Yugoslavia for the outbreak of the war belongs to the latter type. The empirical findings gathered on the eve of the war show that ethnic tolerance was highest in the republics that were later struck by the war: Bosnia & Herzegovina & Croatia. The author provides an alternative explanation of the role of the media in paving the way for the war. Only in Serbia did mass media, in the circumstances of the prevailing authoritarian orientation of the population before the war, serve the aggressive nationalist leadership as a means for political mobilization, which aroused in the Serbian people both a feeling of imperilment & a sense of omnipotence. After the outbreak of the war in Croatia & Bosnia & Herzegovina, the media became only one of several elements in an ever-expanding spiral of hatred & violence. 2 Tables, 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper analyzes the grounds, origins, & manifestations of ethnic conflict in the area of former Yugoslavia on the basis of current psychological thought. Deriving from Allport' s "theory of prejudice," we outline the historic grounds, sociocultural diversity, & specific character of the particular social & political situation. Trying to find an answer to the crucial question of what is to be done, we distinguish between the four stages of conflict -- latency, manifestation, actualization, & consolidation -- as well as the three lines of action -- institutional solutions, influence of the mass media, & the process of political socialization. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

In interpreting current social and political processes, one should recognize new and mutually different political and democratic forces, which should offer an alternative to trends which had generated the crisis. Since totalitarian regimes such as fascism and communism (and even neoliberalism) did not solve the crisis of capitalism in the past, writers like Habermas, Searle, Luhmann, Wolin, Vesting and others do not consider them as potential solutions for the contemporary crisis. The solutions are not being sought within the framework of universalisation of particular interests either. Even less they look for a solution within some universal virtue that would represent all other virtues. On the contrary -- the contemporary theory recognizes that humanity in its lifeworld operates within different media and that the unified lifeworld is represented in different, incommensurable media, so the new theory attempts to create a modus vivendi among various representations of the world, not one single unitary interpretation. Contemporary theories are interested in the issue of coexistence between incommensurable differences, and thus they ask: how to preserve pluralism of social life. This process remains open. On the other hand, any idea of a single solution within a single unified medium leads to renewal of totalitarianisms, or even a world war, a new Holocaust or a new Hiroshima. Adapted from the source document.

Like other landmark historic events, the war on the territory of former Yugoslavia has been explained by three types of theories: mythological, scientific, & commonsensical -- the latter making use of certain pseudoscientific arguments. The author claims that the theory blaming the media in all six republics of former Yugoslavia for the outbreak of the war belongs to the latter type. The empirical findings gathered on the eve of the war show that ethnic tolerance was highest in the republics that were later struck by the war: Bosnia & Herzegovina & Croatia. The author provides an alternative explanation of the role of the media in paving the way for the war. Only in Serbia did mass media, in the circumstances of the prevailing authoritarian orientation of the population before the war, serve the aggressive nationalist leadership as a means for political mobilization, which aroused in the Serbian people both a feeling of imperilment & a sense of omnipotence. After the outbreak of the war in Croatia & Bosnia & Herzegovina, the media became only one of several elements in an ever-expanding spiral of hatred & violence. 2 Tables, 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper analyzes the grounds, origins, & manifestations of ethnic conflict in the area of former Yugoslavia on the basis of current psychological thought. Deriving from Allport' s "theory of prejudice," we outline the historic grounds, sociocultural diversity, & specific character of the particular social & political situation. Trying to find an answer to the crucial question of what is to be done, we distinguish between the four stages of conflict -- latency, manifestation, actualization, & consolidation -- as well as the three lines of action -- institutional solutions, influence of the mass media, & the process of political socialization. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.