Suchergebnisse

Cet article examine la question des médias et d´une politique de communication dans le contexte de ce que l´on nomme maintenant les BRICS. L'analyse des relations entre les pays membres de cette conformation passe par de nombreuses interrogations : s'agit-il d'un réseau ? D'un réseau communicationnel, médiatique, interactif, collaboratif, connecté, horizontal ? Comment les spécialistes de ce thème abordent-ils ce sujet : un nouveau mode de communiquer dans une perspective d'extension des échanges symboliques ou l'actualisation des formes de communication traditionnelles, verticales et restrictives ? ; This paper examines the question of the media and communication policy in the countries now known as the BRICS. Any analysis of relationships between the countries that make up this group raises many questions. Are they a network ? If so, is it a communicational network, a media network, is it interactive, collaborative, connective, horizontal ? How do scholars tackle the subject in their research – are we seeing a new way of communicating with a view to expanding symbolic exchanges, or a modernisation of traditional, vertical and restrictive forms of communication ?

In China, the media and information and communication technologies are claimed by power as vectors for economic development, knowledge and communication. Western and Chinese analysts characterise this situation as a "entertainment society", meaning that the main messages of the media are directed towards consumption, enrichment and entertainment. However, through three of the four events in China, snow storm, riots in Tibet and earthquake, this article explores developments in the media and ICT reporting by the government and civil society by the government and civil society. ; Medias and ITC are presents in China are used as factors of development, of knowledge and communication. By then, forms of expression are available for the citizens and more over for the civil society. The actors are contributors to the evolutions of the public sphere. In this con-text, the year 2008 in China was a special year. Changes have appears by the modification of the forms of communication of the central government, and moreover by the forms and ac-tions of the citizens. We will examine three majors' facts – snowstorm, Tibetan issues and Sichuan earthquake-, in order to reveal some evolutions, which are indicators of a different context of use of medias and for that may arise in the information society in China. ; In China, the media and information and communication technologies are claimed by power as vectors for economic development, knowledge and communication. Western and Chinese analysts characterise this situation as a "entertainment society", meaning that the main messages of the media are directed towards consumption, enrichment and entertainment. However, through three of the four events in China, snow storm, riots in Tibet and earthquake, this article explores developments in the media and ICT reporting by the government and civil society by the government and civil society. ; En Chine, médias et technologies de l'information et de la communication sont revendiqués par le pouvoir comme vecteurs de développement ...

Le modèle de communication de l'Union européenne fonctionne mal pour quatre raisons fondamentales : il n'est pas assez stratégique, trop centralisé, trop monolingue en anglais et il repose trop sur le papier. Pour le changer il faut centraliser la totalité des budgets de communication dans les mains du président de la Commission, renforcer les pouvoirs et les moyens des délégués nationaux, respecter un multilinguisme intégral, et passer plus intensivement du papier au numérique grâce à Euronews. Il faut aussi réformer le contenu de cette communication, trop axée sur la macro-économie, pour la centrer sur la citoyenneté européenne. ; The European model of communication is dysfunctional for four main reasons: it lacks a strategic dimension, it is too centralised, too dominated by a single language, English, and over-re liant on paper. For this to change, all communication budgets need to be centralised under the European Commission presidency, the powers and means of national delegates need to be strengthened, all communication should be fully multilingual and a major shift is required from paper to digital media, via Euronews. There is also a need to reform the content of EU communication, which focuses too heavily on macro-economics, in order to shift the emphasis to European citizenship.

La définition des œuvres littéraires et des objets culturels, leurs formes et leurs modes de compréhension varient à l'intérieur de grandes configurations techniques et sociales elles-mêmes changeantes. Le champ de ces « médiamorphoses » réciproques recouvre, du XIXe au XXIe siècle, des genres et des domaines divers : de la poésie lettrée au roman-feuilleton, de la littérature à la publicité, des premières théories des mass-médias à nos modernes doxas politiques et intellectuelles. Lamartine, Dumas, Mallarmé ou Zola sont relus sous un angle permettant aussi de lire autrement Gabriel Tarde, Gramsci, Walter Benjamin ou McLuhan.

This paper presents a reflection on the role of media, referring to 2012 Mexico's federal elections. First, we go through the confrontation held between elections administrators and the main broadcast media corporations around the country. That dispute arose from the enacted Federal Institutions and Elections Proceedings (COFIPE by its Spanish acronym), back in 2007. Secondly, we tackle a crucial issue that we consider the focus on several analyses about the 2012 elections; how cyber activism –mainly the #yosoy132 movement– burst into the politics arena, and the way they reached not only the media but the institutions around the nation. From those two frameworks, the final part is a look at the 2012 local electoral process –Chihuahua and Ciudad Juárez–, where repeated historical trend abstention after a process subordinated to the federal match, with traditional media coverage and reduced advertising scarce, little enthusiasm, even in the echo of the #Yosoy132 movement.

RESUMEN: Este texto muestra algunas de las características más destacadas del cubrimiento que El Tiempo, El Espectador y Semana hicieron del "proceso 8.000" durante tres periodos específicos. Se inscribe en la línea del análisis de contenido y retoma las conclusiones de una investigación de doctorado defendida en la Universidad de São Paulo. El Proceso 8.000 es el nombre genérico que los medios dieron a las investigaciones judiciales sobre los ingresos de dineros del narcotráfico a la campaña electoral presidencial de 1994, de la cual salió vencedor Ernesto Samper Pizano. El texto se entrelaza permanentemente con las reflexiones que, en la época, hicieron los analistas acerca de la crisis política provocada por el 8.000 y acerca del papel de la prensa en general. Informar profusamente sobre el episodio condujo al gran acierto y al gran error de los medios: ellos permitieron que el país se enterara de lo sucedido, y, al mismo tiempo, contribuyeron a que la atención girara más en torno a asuntos coyunturales y menos en torno a las verdaderas causas que estaban en la base de la crisis. ; ABSTARCT: This text presents some of the most highlighted features of the coverage that the newspapers El Tiempo, El Espectador and themagazine Semana have did about the "8,000 Trial" during threespecific periods. This text is inscribed in the analysis of content line and the conclusion are retaken from a Phd research defended at the University of Sao Paulo. The 8,000 trial is the generic name given from the media to judicial investigations about the drug trafficking income to 1994 presidential election campaign, which Ernesto Samper Pizano has emerged victorious. The text is constantly interweaved with the reflections that, at that time, the analysts did about the political crisis provoked by the 8,000 trial, and with the role in general of the press. Profusely information about this episode led to the great success and the big mistake of the media: they allowed that the country knows that happened, and, at same time, the contributed to the attention began to focus more in revolves around relevant affairs, and less in revolves around the true causes were at the base of the crisis.

Nowadays, when thinking about communication media, it is very common to refer to a discouraging panorama of crisis, in which some journalists' vices seem difficult to erradicate. In the last twenty-five years, however, together with this perception, it has also emerged a growing tendency for solving this situation, which makes us think that, no matter the situation, there is a light at the end of the tunnel. The objective of this article is to describe two of these solution ideas: audience's defenders and media watch. Both are mechanisms which can be placed in the bigger context of media criticism and characterized by their idea for increasing media quality. The existence of each one of these mechanisms as well as the possibility for them to live together performing a hard work for making institutional media more democratic and transparent are described in the following pages. ; Cuando se piensa hoy en los medios, es frecuente aludir a un panorama desalentador, de crisis, en el cual algunos de los vicios de los periodistas parecen difíciles de erradicar. Sin embargo, junto a esta percepción, también existe en los últimos veinticinco años un número creciente de intentos de solución que nos hacen pensar en que, a pesar de todo, hay luz al final del túnel. El objetivo del presente capítulo es describir precisamente dos de estos intentos de solución: los defensores de la audiencia y los observatorios de medios. En ambos casos, se trata de mecanismos que pueden ser ubicados en el contexto mayor del media criticism y que se caracterizan por su voluntad expresa de incrementar la calidad de los medios. En las siguientes páginas, se describe la existencia de cada uno de estos mecanismos y se apuesta por la conveniencia de las dos figuras, en la difícil búsqueda por hacer de los medios instituciones más democráticas y transparentes.

Nowadays, when thinking about communication media, it is very common to refer to a discouraging panorama of crisis, in which some journalists' vices seem difficult to erradicate. In the last twenty-five years, however, together with this perception, it has also emerged a growing tendency for solving this situation, which makes us think that, no matter the situation, there is a light at the end of the tunnel. The objective of this article is to describe two of these solution ideas: audience's defenders and media watch. Both are mechanisms which can be placed in the bigger context of media criticism and characterized by their idea for increasing media quality. The existence of each one of these mechanisms as well as the possibility for them to live together performing a hard work for making institutional media more democratic and transparent are described in the following pages. ; Cuando se piensa hoy en los medios, es frecuente aludir a un panorama desalentador, de crisis, en el cual algunos de los vicios de los periodistas parecen difíciles de erradicar. Sin embargo, junto a esta percepción, también existe en los últimos veinticinco años un número creciente de intentos de solución que nos hacen pensar en que, a pesar de todo, hay luz al final del túnel. El objetivo del presente capítulo es describir precisamente dos de estos intentos de solución: los defensores de la audiencia y los observatorios de medios. En ambos casos, se trata de mecanismos que pueden ser ubicados en el contexto mayor del media criticism y que se caracterizan por su voluntad expresa de incrementar la calidad de los medios. En las siguientes páginas, se describe la existencia de cada uno de estos mecanismos y se apuesta por la conveniencia de las dos figuras, en la difícil búsqueda por hacer de los medios instituciones más democráticas y transparentes.

[Resumen] La llegada de Rafael Correa a la presidencia de Ecuador en el año 2007 supuso una serie de cambios en la comunicación y el ejercicio periodístico. Se realiza un mapeo cronológico/descriptivo de las diversas acciones gobierno/medios. Se estudia el impacto del discurso de Correa en los medios, las transformaciones del mapa mediático en Ecuador, y la estrategia comunicacional presidencial, tomando como referencia acontecimientos difundidos por la prensa nacional. Las confrontaciones entre gobierno y medios privados genera un ambiente tenso, lleno de procesos judiciales y discusiones sin tregua, que han modificado el quehacer periodístico y con el la estructura de la empresa periodística en el país ; [Abstract] Rafael Correa's rise to power in 2007 implied a series of changes in communication and journalism. The impact of Correa's discourse in the mass media, along with transformations of the media map in Ecuador (a chronological/descriptive map of various government/media activities is included in this study), and an analysis of the communication strategy of the President are likewise provided, which use as a reference news events disseminated by the national press. The study highlights the various confrontations between the government and private media, which not only generated a tense political environment, but also led to legal proceedings and fiery debate. This subsequently led to changes in the journalism profession and in the restructuring of media companies in Ecuador

Rafael Correa's rise to power in 2007 implied a series of changes in communication and journalism. The impact of Correa's discourse in the mass media, along with transformations of the media map in Ecuador (a chronological/descriptive map of various government/media activities is included in this study), and an analysis of the communication strategy of the President are likewise provided, which use as a reference news events disseminated by the national press. The study highlights the various confrontations between the government and private media, which not only generated a tense political environment, but also led to legal proceedings and fiery debate. This subsequently led to changes in the journalism profession and in the restructuring of media companies in Ecuador. ; La llegada de Rafael Correa a la presidencia de Ecuador en el año 2007 supuso una serie de cambios en la comunicación y el ejercicio periodístico. Se realiza un mapeo cronológico/descriptivo de las diversas acciones gobierno/medios.Se estudia el impacto del discurso de Correa en los medios, las transformaciones del mapa mediático en Ecuador, y la estrategia comunicacional presidencial, tomando como referencia acontecimientos difundidos por la prensa nacional.Las confrontaciones entre gobierno y medios privados genera un ambiente tenso, lleno de procesos judiciales y discusiones sin tregua, que han modificado el quehacer periodístico y con el la estructura de la empresa periodística en el país.

Histories of the emerging field of mass communication (e.g. Hardt, 2001; Pietilä, 2005) —in continental Europe from the late seventeenth century onward and in the United States from the early nineteenth century onward—lead one to notice how little and how late international institutions have played a role in shaping communication research. Although the roots of the field go back to the classics of sociology and political science, it is only in the twentieth century that we can find any systematic international networking of research, built through particular structures such as international meetings or associations among relevant scholars. Journalists and other "press people" had their first international congress in 1894, followed by their own international association(s) in the first half of the twentieth century (Nordenstreng et al, 2016). Global media policies began to take shape in the League of Nations in the 1920s—at a time when communication research was not only established but already being divided into various traditions. But communication research remained conspicuously remiss on its own international platforms and structures until the end of World War II. ; Las historias del campo emergente de la comunicación de masas (Hardt, 2001; Pietilä, 2005) -en Europa continental desde finales del siglo xvii en adelante y en Estados Unidos desde comienzos del siglo xix en adelante- nos permiten reconocer el escaso y tardío rol que han jugado las instituciones internacionales en moldear la investigación en comunicación. A pesar de que las raíces del campo remiten a los clásicos de la sociología y de la ciencia política, es solamente a partir del siglo XX cuando podemos encontrar algún intercambio sistemático de investigación a escala internacional, construido a través de estructuras particulares como los encuentros internacionales o las asociaciones entre académicos relevantes. Los periodistas y otras personas vinculadas con el mundo de la prensa organizaron su primer congreso internacional en 1894, seguido de su propia asociación internacional durante la primera mitad del siglo xx (Nordenstreng et al., 2016). Las políticas globales de medios comenzaron a tomar forma en la Liga de Naciones durante los años veinte del S.XX, en un momento en el que la investigación en comunicación no solamente no estaba establecida sino que ya se encontraba dividida en varias tradiciones. Sin embargo, la investigación en comunicación permaneció conspicuamente relegada en sus plataformas y estructuras internacionales hasta el fin de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. ; As histórias do campo emergente da Comunicação de massas (Hardt, 2001; Pietilä, 2005), na Europa continental desde finais do século xvii em diante e nos Estados Unidos desde começos do século xix em diante, nos permitem reconhecer o escasso e tardio papel que têm jogado as instituições internacionais em moldar a investigação em comunicação. Apesar de que as raízes do campo remitem aos clássicos da sociologia e da ciência política, é só a partir do século xx quando podemos encontrar algum intercâmbio sistemático de investigação a escala internacional, construído através de estruturas particulares como os encontros internacionais ou as associações entre acadêmicos relevantes. Os jornalistas e outras pessoas vinculadas com o mundo da imprensa organizaram o seu primeiro congresso internacional em 1894, seguido da sua própria associação internacional durante a primeira metade do século xx (Nordenstreng et al., 2016). As políticas globais de meios começaram a tomar forma na Liga de Nações durante os anos vinte do S. xx, em um momento no que a investigação em comunicação permaneceu conspicuamente relegada nas suas plataformas e estruturas internacionais até o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial.