Suchergebnisse

Tableau d'honneur de la Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales, 2013-2014. ; Le présent mémoire porte sur le traitement médiatique de trois affaires (affaire Nagy, affaire Banon et affaire du Sofitel) concernant des allégations de violence sexuelle à l'endroit de Dominique Strauss-Kahn (DSK), ancien directeur du Fonds monétaire international (FMI) et homme politique français. À partir de l'analyse d'articles parus en France et aux États-Unis entre 2008 et 2012, aux moments-clés de ces affaires, plusieurs constats ont été effectués. D'abord, le cadrage des évènements et des protagonistes a changé avec le temps. Ensuite, plusieurs débats ont été soulevés dans le contexte de ces affaires, notamment sur le féminisme et sur la distinction privé/public. Enfin, on observe des similitudes et des différences entre les médias français et américains dans le traitement de ces affaires. Le mémoire propose une réflexion sur la distinction privé/public et sur le concept de « scandale sexuel ». ; This thesis is about the media coverage of three scandals ("affaire Nagy", "affaire Banon" and "affaire du Sofitel") in which allegations of sexual violence were brought against Dominique Strauss-Kahn (DSK), former Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and French politician. Articles published in newspapers in France and the United States from 2008 to 2012, at the key moments of those scandals, were analyzed. From these, several conclusions were made. First, the framing of the events and of the protagonists changed over time. Second, many topics were debated in the context of those scandals, including feminism and the distinction between the public and the private. Third, similarities and differences were observed between the French and the American media. This thesis offers a reflection on the distinction between the public and the private and on "sex scandals".

The article takes as a case study the controversy that erupted in France in August 2016 following the de facto ban on burkinis on the beaches of the French riviera. By using Cohen's "moral panic" model in order to analyze how the burkini is being framed in the public debate, it tries to clarify what distinguishes moral panics from other forms of public debates such as controversies, affairs or scandals: namely, the social construction of the "folk devil" as a stereotyped character threatening the very existence of society – a key aspect of the moral panic model that represents, in our view, Cohen's unique contribution to the sociology of social problems. Whereas in the burkini's case, this social construction is mainly the work of media-savvy intellectuals and career politicians, it cannot be limited to a strategic exchange of "coups" between these actors. First, because the construction of women wearing burkinis as "folk devils" owes a lot to preexisting, collective beliefs about the social control of Muslims (and especially Muslim women) in public spaces, that are specific to the French context. Second, because the case of the burkini allows us to focus on an aspect of moral panics too often neglected: namely, places and the different symbols they are endowed with. More than just a background element, beaches – and control over the definition of the "rules of the game" on these specific territories – appear here as what they actually are: disputed territories, whose "territorialization" and "patrimonialization" decisively contribute to the social construction of the "folk devil". ; L'article étudie la controverse qui, à l'été2016, entoure l'interdiction, de facto, du port du burkini sur les plages par une trentaine de communes françaises. En mobilisant le modèle de Cohen pour analyser les cadrages dont font l'objet les porteuses de burkini, cette étude entend montrer ce qui nous semble distinguer la panique morale d'autres configurations du débat public que sont la controverse, l'affaire ou le scandale: à ...

The local elections of March 30, 2014 were widely regarded as a national ballot. Indeed, major national issues were projected are both by the majority of observers and by numerous politicians: he was the first electoral consultation for three years - which is a long period without a vote for Turkish political temporality. Mostly it was the first electoral consultation for two major political episodes that have greatly undermined the popularity of the AKP (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, Party of Justice and Development) party since 2002: first, contesting Gezi born in spring 2013; on the other, the corruption scandals rhythms by 'leaks' regular sound recordings from December 2013 on social networks, compromising for Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his entourage, accusing them of corruption, public procurement rigged to exercised pressure on the judiciary or the media. These 'leaks' have sealed the end of the alliance between the ruling party and the neo-Fethullah Gulen brotherhood movement that had until then seconded and showed a significant presence in the judiciary, police and education. These two episodes have hit the headlines and widely influenced the readings of the Turkish political life; however, their impact in electoral terms was very difficult to evaluate. Adapted from the source document.

Preceded by the tumult of multiple media scandals having unveiled the facts of abuse, ignored or provoked by the child protection system, the law of March 5, 2007 was intented to remedy to intrinsic failures in the protection service by semantically and formally restructuring the operation, the mission and the definitional field covering the entire device. Rooting around the abuses risk « prevention » mission and « parentality support », a few new vocables (« Danger Risk », « Danger »), instruments (« Worrying Information », « Project For the Child ») and new instances (« Cell Collecting Information of Concern », « Observatory ») have accompanied the law's reformist character. Beyond the simple change and semantic renewal, this constellation of words and sentences was not without producing profound alternations in the arrangement of roles, functions and identities of each actor caught in the enunciative network of the device. From a set of normative statements, the law shaped and committed professionals to do-with a new general paradigm on the representation of the parent-child link. It was no longer for the professionals, inside of this vision, to punish a parent potentially « deficiencied », or to cut off a link judged « toxic » to protect a child, but to allow the parental subject to discover itself (« to elicit ») and invest its role of parent. Supported by an institutional mediation, the parent was potentially designated, since Article 375 of the Civil Code, as an protagonist for the good « physical, emotional, intellectual and social development » of the child. Reordering the elementary lines on which was based the care of a user, the law reorganized in depth the behavior's structure of the various actors. Wondering about these various normative changes, this research work offers itself to seize the operated « effects » by the law of March 5, 2007 on practices, the thought and the relationships between professionals, users and institutions. Through analyzes of child protection files, legislative, ...

This article shows that no social situation of deviance has natural "properties", even when it concerns elites. It can be considered as a "problem", an "affair" or a "scandal". Each of those social qualifications is the result of four complementary variables: the degree of violation to the norm, the existence or not of victims and damage, the degree of attributed responsibility to the defendants, and the foreseen social reactions.The empirical analysis of a press kit dealing with a case of insider trading fraud including political actors highlights three phenomena. First, different possible qualifications co-exist in the media on the same event. In addition, the global evolution of discourses on the course of six months illustrates the decrease in arguments denouncing a political scandal and the increase of economic and technical arguments. Finally, the evolution of the content of each newspaper clarifies their analytical changes according to their editorial lines. ; Cet article démontre qu'aucune situation sociale de transgression n'a de propriété « naturelle », même si elle concerne les élites. Elle peut être perçue aussi bien comme un « problème », comme une « affaire » ou comme un « scandale ». Chacune de ces qualifications sociales est le résultat de la combinaison de quatre variables : le degré de violation d'une norme ; l'existence ou non de victimes et de dommages ; le degré de responsabilité attribuée aux auteurs ; la réaction sociale attendue.L'analyse empirique d'un dossier de presse concernant un cas de fraude boursière impliquant des acteurs politiques met en évidence trois phénomènes. Tout d'abord, dans l'espace médiatique il y a au même moment co-existence des différentes qualifications possibles du même évènement. Ensuite, l'évolution globale des discours sur une durée de six ans montre la diminution des arguments dénonçant un scandale politique au profit des arguments techniques et économiques. Enfin, l'évolution du contenu de chaque journal précise les transformations de leurs analyses en ...

This article shows that no social situation of deviance has natural "properties", even when it concerns elites. It can be considered as a "problem", an "affair" or a "scandal". Each of those social qualifications is the result of four complementary variables: the degree of violation to the norm, the existence or not of victims and damage, the degree of attributed responsibility to the defendants, and the foreseen social reactions.The empirical analysis of a press kit dealing with a case of insider trading fraud including political actors highlights three phenomena. First, different possible qualifications co-exist in the media on the same event. In addition, the global evolution of discourses on the course of six months illustrates the decrease in arguments denouncing a political scandal and the increase of economic and technical arguments. Finally, the evolution of the content of each newspaper clarifies their analytical changes according to their editorial lines. ; Cet article démontre qu'aucune situation sociale de transgression n'a de propriété « naturelle », même si elle concerne les élites. Elle peut être perçue aussi bien comme un « problème », comme une « affaire » ou comme un « scandale ». Chacune de ces qualifications sociales est le résultat de la combinaison de quatre variables : le degré de violation d'une norme ; l'existence ou non de victimes et de dommages ; le degré de responsabilité attribuée aux auteurs ; la réaction sociale attendue.L'analyse empirique d'un dossier de presse concernant un cas de fraude boursière impliquant des acteurs politiques met en évidence trois phénomènes. Tout d'abord, dans l'espace médiatique il y a au même moment co-existence des différentes qualifications possibles du même évènement. Ensuite, l'évolution globale des discours sur une durée de six ans montre la diminution des arguments dénonçant un scandale politique au profit des arguments techniques et économiques. Enfin, l'évolution du contenu de chaque journal précise les transformations de leurs analyses en ...

Le scandale du Rubygate, qui éclata en 2010, a suscité une médiatisation mondiale et de nombreuses manifestations en Italie. Il est revenu vers son auteur Silvio Berlusconi, comme le boomerang de la néo-télévision sur un de ses grands maîtres. Transformé en un personnage « télé-réel », le Cavaliere a conquis le pouvoir politique en maniant l'imaginaire néo-télévisuel. Désormais tel l'arroseur arrosé, il est victime de ce qui fit son succès. ; The Rubygate scandal, which broke in 2010, was taken up by the media across the world and triggered numerous protests in Italy. It boomeranged on Silvio Berlusconi, who had caused the scandal, just as neo-television can boomerang on its high priests. By becoming a reality show star, il Cavaliere conquered political power by playing on the popular imagination aroused by neotelevision. Now hoist by his own peta rd, he has become the victim of what propelled him to success.

The remuneration of directors of listed companies generated a lively debate and even controversy as to their amount or to the principles guiding their determination. This debate is often intensified by vivid media coverage aimed at instigating the public opinion and encouraging the legislator to take up the question. The latter then seeks to regulate the practices in question either by imposing mandatory measures at times, or by encouraging self-regulation at others. This study aims to assess the relevance and effectiveness of all of these rules under the hard law and soft law. Such an examination of the substantive law shows a real inability to provide an answer to the problem of the social acceptability of these remunerations through legal tool. It also reviews the evolution of French legislation during the last twenty years, based on the need for transparency and the development of procedures for determining and awarding the remuneration of directors. Judges do not appear to have effective leverage and means of struggle in the Corporate Laws against the excesses of the remuneration. So many hopes have been based on the principles derived from the soft law and in particular, Corporate Governance, yet those hopes were however deceived in many ways. Finally, the question that remains particularly urgent and haunting is whether the law, be it hard or soft, can be a useful and effective tool for regulating the level of remuneration of directors and executives of listed companies ; Les rémunérations des dirigeants des sociétés cotées suscitent un vif débat tant sur leur montant que sur les principes guidant leur détermination. Ce débat est souvent intensifié par une forte médiatisation prompte à indigner l'opinion publique et à inciter le législateur à se saisir de la question. Celui-ci cherche alors à encadrer les pratiques litigieuses tantôt en imposant des mesures impératives, tantôt en favorisant l'autorégulation. La présente étude a pour ambition d'apprécier la pertinence et l'efficacité de l'ensemble de ces ...

The remuneration of directors of listed companies generated a lively debate and even controversy as to their amount or to the principles guiding their determination. This debate is often intensified by vivid media coverage aimed at instigating the public opinion and encouraging the legislator to take up the question. The latter then seeks to regulate the practices in question either by imposing mandatory measures at times, or by encouraging self-regulation at others. This study aims to assess the relevance and effectiveness of all of these rules under the hard law and soft law. Such an examination of the substantive law shows a real inability to provide an answer to the problem of the social acceptability of these remunerations through legal tool. It also reviews the evolution of French legislation during the last twenty years, based on the need for transparency and the development of procedures for determining and awarding the remuneration of directors. Judges do not appear to have effective leverage and means of struggle in the Corporate Laws against the excesses of the remuneration. So many hopes have been based on the principles derived from the soft law and in particular, Corporate Governance, yet those hopes were however deceived in many ways. Finally, the question that remains particularly urgent and haunting is whether the law, be it hard or soft, can be a useful and effective tool for regulating the level of remuneration of directors and executives of listed companies ; Les rémunérations des dirigeants des sociétés cotées suscitent un vif débat tant sur leur montant que sur les principes guidant leur détermination. Ce débat est souvent intensifié par une forte médiatisation prompte à indigner l'opinion publique et à inciter le législateur à se saisir de la question. Celui-ci cherche alors à encadrer les pratiques litigieuses tantôt en imposant des mesures impératives, tantôt en favorisant l'autorégulation. La présente étude a pour ambition d'apprécier la pertinence et l'efficacité de l'ensemble de ces règles relevant du droit dur et du droit souple. Un tel examen du droit positif montre une réelle incapacité à apporter une réponse au problème de l'acceptabilité sociale des rémunérations par le biais de l'outil juridique. En témoigne l'évolution de la législation française depuis ces vingt dernières années, basée sur l'impératif de transparence et l'évolution des procédures de détermination et d'attribution des rémunérations des dirigeants. Les juges ne semblent pas davantage disposer de leviers efficaces de lutte contre l'excès des rémunérations en droit des sociétés. Maints espoirs ont donc été fondés sur les principes provenant du droit souple et en particulier de la gouvernance d'entreprise, espoirs cependant également déçus à bien des égards. Finalement, demeure particulièrement prégnante la question de savoir si le droit, qu'il soit dur ou souple, peut constituer cet outil utile et efficace de régulation du niveau de rémunérations des dirigeants de sociétés cotées

International audience ; Since the 1970s and 1980s, both the general and the political national newspapers have regularly praised "investigative journalism" and its role in unveiling "scandals". To gain an understanding of how this new model of professional excellence arose, even though it concerns only a small number of journalists, requires showing the extent to which it is first of all largely symptomatic of a series of changes that have occurred outside the field of journalism, especially in the areas of politics and justice, and the state of the relations these spaces entertain with each other. In particular it is important to show that the media space has become highly strategic notwithstanding its relative lack of autonomy. What is mediatized is largely the outcome of power relations within different social spaces that are then translated according to media logics. Thus "investigative journalism" is often based less on journalists investigations than on State-sponsored studies : reports, inquests, etc. The present article endeavors to show how and why these "scandals" have come out only insofar as these external changes have also found an echo in the field of the general and political national papers, in particular with a group of politicized journalists comprising a new journalistic speciality. In effect, the rise of "investigative journalism" and its success in professional discourses results from and reveals transformations affecting the space of journalism. It is both a professional and commercial issue, for scandals both make and break individual and collective reputations : journalists and newspapers. Investigative journalists play a role in the trend towards "professionalization", and have been instrumental in introducing and revealing new forms of internal competition, governed less by political than by professional logic, a homogenization of the practices in various types of newspapers and a more professional definition of the occupation (giving rise to a new figure, the righter of wrongs), in ...

During the second half of the 19th century, a new literary genre appeared : the «stock market novel » . In a context marked by major financial scandals, the public, the politicians and the media of developed countries asked themselves whether or not stock markets should operate freely. In Emile Zola''s novel Money [ 1891], the stock exchange is described as a gambling den, the speculators as highway robbers and the small investors as naive people. To compare the stock market with a game means to put the market on trial. The same charges are held against speculation and gambling (e. g. poker) : they make the enrichment of some individuals possible, they resort to mere chance to create opportunities for an upward social mobility and they deny all the speeches about merit, effort and work.

International audience ; during the second half of the 19th century, a new literary genre appeared: the "stock market novel". In a context marked by major financial scandals, the public, the politicians and the media of developed countries asked themselves whether or not stock markets should operate freely. In Emile Zola's novel Money [1891], the stock exchange is described as a gambling den, the speculators as highway robbers and the small investors as naive people. To compare the stock market with a game means to make the trial of the market. The same charges are held against speculation and gambling (eg. poker): to make the enrichment of some individuals possible, to resort to mere chance to create opportunities for an upward social mobility and to deny all the speeches about merit, effort and work. ; la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle voit émerger un nouveau genre littéraire : le roman de Bourse. Dans un contexte où plane l'ombre de grands scandales financiers, l'opinion publique, les hommes politiques et les médias des pays développés s'interrogent pour savoir s'il faut laisser librement fonctionner les Bourses de valeurs. Analysant L'Argent [1891] de Zola, on montre que la Bourse y est décrite comme un tripot, les spéculateurs comme des voleurs de grand chemin et les petits épargnants comme des naïfs. Parler de la Bourse comme d'un jeu signifie en faire le procès, les mêmes reproches étant adressés à la spéculation et aux jeux d'argent (cf. le poker…) : rendre possible l'enrichissement de quelques individus, ouvrir des perspectives d'ascension sociale en s'appuyant uniquement sur le hasard et se situer à l'opposé de tous les discours sur le mérite et le travail.

International audience ; during the second half of the 19th century, a new literary genre appeared: the "stock market novel". In a context marked by major financial scandals, the public, the politicians and the media of developed countries asked themselves whether or not stock markets should operate freely. In Emile Zola's novel Money [1891], the stock exchange is described as a gambling den, the speculators as highway robbers and the small investors as naive people. To compare the stock market with a game means to make the trial of the market. The same charges are held against speculation and gambling (eg. poker): to make the enrichment of some individuals possible, to resort to mere chance to create opportunities for an upward social mobility and to deny all the speeches about merit, effort and work. ; la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle voit émerger un nouveau genre littéraire : le roman de Bourse. Dans un contexte où plane l'ombre de grands scandales financiers, l'opinion publique, les hommes politiques et les médias des pays développés s'interrogent pour savoir s'il faut laisser librement fonctionner les Bourses de valeurs. Analysant L'Argent [1891] de Zola, on montre que la Bourse y est décrite comme un tripot, les spéculateurs comme des voleurs de grand chemin et les petits épargnants comme des naïfs. Parler de la Bourse comme d'un jeu signifie en faire le procès, les mêmes reproches étant adressés à la spéculation et aux jeux d'argent (cf. le poker…) : rendre possible l'enrichissement de quelques individus, ouvrir des perspectives d'ascension sociale en s'appuyant uniquement sur le hasard et se situer à l'opposé de tous les discours sur le mérite et le travail.

In France, the rate of contraceptive prevalence has remained high since the diffusion of the various medical methods from the 1970s, with the pill being represen- tative of its growth. Yet, towards the end of 2012, the third and fourth generation pills were a source of media, health and political scandal due to an associated health risk, resulting in disaffection for oral contraception as a whole. Since then, and despite a significant decrease of its use rate, the pill remains the most commonly used method. However, this does not mean that all users enjoy a free and informed contraceptive choice. Focusing on the practices of healthcare workers, this paper proposes to study the impact of the different approaches to care in terms of inequalities in access to infor- mation and the prescription of contraceptives, as well as to understand its specificities based the ways in which healthcare workers categorise their patients. ; En France, le taux de prévalence contraceptive reste élevé depuis la diffusion des différentes méthodes médicalisées dès les années 1970, dont la pilule représente l'essor. Mais fin 2012, les pilules de troisième et quatrième générations font l'objet d'un scandale médiatique, sanitaire et politique dû à un sur-risque sanitaire qui leur est associé, engendrant une désaffection de la contraception orale dans son ensemble. Malgré une baisse significative de son taux d'usage, la pilule reste cependant la méthode la plus utilisée. Pour autant, cela ne signifie pas que toutes les usagères bénéficient d'un choix contraceptif libre et éclairé. Centré sur les pratiques des professionnel·le·s de santé, cet article propose de rendre compte de l'impact de différentes approches de soin en matière d'inégalités d'accès à l'information et à la prescription de contraception et d'en saisir les spécificités selon les catégorisations de patientes qu'opèrent les praticien·ne·s.

Literally "little sister working for a boss", the term dagongmei refers to the unskilled, unmarried, often coming from rural areas female labor force, migrating out of their villages, sometimes out of their province to find a job. The dagongmei represent a category of precarious workers easily interchangeable produced by China's economic development policies over the past four decades. Since the 1990s, the media coverage of scandals on working conditions of dagong subjects increased in China and internationally, calling on companies to rethink their social role. On the other hand, considering the socio-economic and political inequalities that determine the current paths of Chinese women, the government adopts a positioning that is resolutely in favor of women's empowerment. This thesis focuses on a group of young women from rural villages in Yunnan province who are employed in Kunming in a foreign-owned enterprise that defines itself as socially responsible and empowering its employees. If the project of modernity and globality of China has shaped new subjects-workers dagongmei and dagongzai, by the transformation of bodies of rural migrants into bodies of industrial workers, what subjects dagongmei a socially responsible enterprise project to contribute to produce? How can we think of the processes of individualisation within subaltern groups from a perspective that takes into account the gendered relations? ; Littéralement « petite soeur travaillant pour un patron », le terme dagongmei désigne la main d'œuvre chinoise féminine salariée non qualifiée composée de jeunes filles non mariées souvent originaires de milieux ruraux, et migrant hors de leur village, parfois hors de leur province pour trouver un emploi. Les dagongmei représentent une catégorie de travailleuses précaires, main d'œuvre occasionnelle facilement interchangeable produite par les politiques de développement économique de la Chine au cours des quatre dernières décennies. Depuis les années 90, la médiatisation de scandales sur les conditions de ...