Suchergebnisse

The concept of mediatization, which analyzes how the dominance of media shapes political processes, is becoming continuously more relevant as a more important role is being assigned to the media in the public sphere. Despite the relevance, there are not many defined methods of analysis of political mediatization. This article presents such a method, which is designed for analyzing political scandals. This method adopts the concept of mediatization as a metatheory and uses the Veto Players theory to structure the political sphere and scandals in a way that allows for their analysis. A qualitative content analysis of three cases of Lithuanian political scandals, based on this method, is also presented. In the discussed cases, the interaction between the political and media actors appears to be very close and mutual. Not only do politicians take the initiative in asking for the political responsibility of the actors in the scandalous situations that the media reveal, but they also initiate the distribution of such information to the media, seeking the desired change of the status quo or the legitimization of their decisions. This provides means for talking about the self-mediatization of political actors.

The concept of mediatization, which analyzes how the dominance of media shapes political processes, is becoming continuously more relevant as a more important role is being assigned to the media in the public sphere. Despite the relevance, there are not many defined methods of analysis of political mediatization. This article presents such a method, which is designed for analyzing political scandals. This method adopts the concept of mediatization as a metatheory and uses the Veto Players theory to structure the political sphere and scandals in a way that allows for their analysis. A qualitative content analysis of three cases of Lithuanian political scandals, based on this method, is also presented. In the discussed cases, the interaction between the political and media actors appears to be very close and mutual. Not only do politicians take the initiative in asking for the political responsibility of the actors in the scandalous situations that the media reveal, but they also initiate the distribution of such information to the media, seeking the desired change of the status quo or the legitimization of their decisions. This provides means for talking about the self-mediatization of political actors.

The concept of mediatization, which analyzes how the dominance of media shapes political processes, is becoming continuously more relevant as a more important role is being assigned to the media in the public sphere. Despite the relevance, there are not many defined methods of analysis of political mediatization. This article presents such a method, which is designed for analyzing political scandals. This method adopts the concept of mediatization as a metatheory and uses the Veto Players theory to structure the political sphere and scandals in a way that allows for their analysis. A qualitative content analysis of three cases of Lithuanian political scandals, based on this method, is also presented. In the discussed cases, the interaction between the political and media actors appears to be very close and mutual. Not only do politicians take the initiative in asking for the political responsibility of the actors in the scandalous situations that the media reveal, but they also initiate the distribution of such information to the media, seeking the desired change of the status quo or the legitimization of their decisions. This provides means for talking about the self-mediatization of political actors.

The concept of mediatization, which analyzes how the dominance of media shapes political processes, is becoming continuously more relevant as a more important role is being assigned to the media in the public sphere. Despite the relevance, there are not many defined methods of analysis of political mediatization. This article presents such a method, which is designed for analyzing political scandals. This method adopts the concept of mediatization as a metatheory and uses the Veto Players theory to structure the political sphere and scandals in a way that allows for their analysis. A qualitative content analysis of three cases of Lithuanian political scandals, based on this method, is also presented. In the discussed cases, the interaction between the political and media actors appears to be very close and mutual. Not only do politicians take the initiative in asking for the political responsibility of the actors in the scandalous situations that the media reveal, but they also initiate the distribution of such information to the media, seeking the desired change of the status quo or the legitimization of their decisions. This provides means for talking about the self-mediatization of political actors.

However, the mere receipt of scandalous information and its dissemination is not enough to provoke changes of social and legal framework. Such effects can occur if the scandal is accompanied by the combination of social circumstances stimulated by mass media: a total visibility of the event; the interpretation of the event as violating the generally accepted moral norms, traditions and values; mystery of the event, consisting of one or more items that must be disclosed. This work usually goes to journalists. Their work in these cases is legitimated by heterogenic unambiguous audience, not its individual segments, despite real or potential guilty of the perpetrator. Thus the disclosing Žurnalistikos tyrimai • Mokslo darbų žurnalas (Komunikacija ir informacija) • 2010 Nr. 3 52 work of media representatives is justified. To sum it up, although the scandals are not targeted or pre-professional interest of the journalists, but the media representatives support and stimulate the scandal, taking the advantages of the difficult crises communication. Typical sign of the scandal as the phenomenon of mass communication is moral panics caused in the society, which requires the correspondence between media and political agenda on the one side and public response and political action from the elites, on the other side. The public response is realized not only by the means of communication, but is taken in accordance with powers of compulsory actions of political elites. So pedophilia scandal has caused serious legal and social changes in society that led to the appropriate domestic policy decisions: law enforcement reforms, the rotation of heads, the faster adoption of the amendments to laws. Pedophilia scandal has highlighted the problem of strong pre-trial procedures and publication of data on juvenile problems in the media regulation, which should draw the attention of professional journalists' organizations and the legislature.

However, the mere receipt of scandalous information and its dissemination is not enough to provoke changes of social and legal framework. Such effects can occur if the scandal is accompanied by the combination of social circumstances stimulated by mass media: a total visibility of the event; the interpretation of the event as violating the generally accepted moral norms, traditions and values; mystery of the event, consisting of one or more items that must be disclosed. This work usually goes to journalists. Their work in these cases is legitimated by heterogenic unambiguous audience, not its individual segments, despite real or potential guilty of the perpetrator. Thus the disclosing Žurnalistikos tyrimai • Mokslo darbų žurnalas (Komunikacija ir informacija) • 2010 Nr. 3 52 work of media representatives is justified. To sum it up, although the scandals are not targeted or pre-professional interest of the journalists, but the media representatives support and stimulate the scandal, taking the advantages of the difficult crises communication. Typical sign of the scandal as the phenomenon of mass communication is moral panics caused in the society, which requires the correspondence between media and political agenda on the one side and public response and political action from the elites, on the other side. The public response is realized not only by the means of communication, but is taken in accordance with powers of compulsory actions of political elites. So pedophilia scandal has caused serious legal and social changes in society that led to the appropriate domestic policy decisions: law enforcement reforms, the rotation of heads, the faster adoption of the amendments to laws. Pedophilia scandal has highlighted the problem of strong pre-trial procedures and publication of data on juvenile problems in the media regulation, which should draw the attention of professional journalists' organizations and the legislature.

However, the mere receipt of scandalous information and its dissemination is not enough to provoke changes of social and legal framework. Such effects can occur if the scandal is accompanied by the combination of social circumstances stimulated by mass media: a total visibility of the event; the interpretation of the event as violating the generally accepted moral norms, traditions and values; mystery of the event, consisting of one or more items that must be disclosed. This work usually goes to journalists. Their work in these cases is legitimated by heterogenic unambiguous audience, not its individual segments, despite real or potential guilty of the perpetrator. Thus the disclosing Žurnalistikos tyrimai • Mokslo darbų žurnalas (Komunikacija ir informacija) • 2010 Nr. 3 52 work of media representatives is justified. To sum it up, although the scandals are not targeted or pre-professional interest of the journalists, but the media representatives support and stimulate the scandal, taking the advantages of the difficult crises communication. Typical sign of the scandal as the phenomenon of mass communication is moral panics caused in the society, which requires the correspondence between media and political agenda on the one side and public response and political action from the elites, on the other side. The public response is realized not only by the means of communication, but is taken in accordance with powers of compulsory actions of political elites. So pedophilia scandal has caused serious legal and social changes in society that led to the appropriate domestic policy decisions: law enforcement reforms, the rotation of heads, the faster adoption of the amendments to laws. Pedophilia scandal has highlighted the problem of strong pre-trial procedures and publication of data on juvenile problems in the media regulation, which should draw the attention of professional journalists' organizations and the legislature.

However, the mere receipt of scandalous information and its dissemination is not enough to provoke changes of social and legal framework. Such effects can occur if the scandal is accompanied by the combination of social circumstances stimulated by mass media: a total visibility of the event; the interpretation of the event as violating the generally accepted moral norms, traditions and values; mystery of the event, consisting of one or more items that must be disclosed. This work usually goes to journalists. Their work in these cases is legitimated by heterogenic unambiguous audience, not its individual segments, despite real or potential guilty of the perpetrator. Thus the disclosing Žurnalistikos tyrimai • Mokslo darbų žurnalas (Komunikacija ir informacija) • 2010 Nr. 3 52 work of media representatives is justified. To sum it up, although the scandals are not targeted or pre-professional interest of the journalists, but the media representatives support and stimulate the scandal, taking the advantages of the difficult crises communication. Typical sign of the scandal as the phenomenon of mass communication is moral panics caused in the society, which requires the correspondence between media and political agenda on the one side and public response and political action from the elites, on the other side. The public response is realized not only by the means of communication, but is taken in accordance with powers of compulsory actions of political elites. So pedophilia scandal has caused serious legal and social changes in society that led to the appropriate domestic policy decisions: law enforcement reforms, the rotation of heads, the faster adoption of the amendments to laws. Pedophilia scandal has highlighted the problem of strong pre-trial procedures and publication of data on juvenile problems in the media regulation, which should draw the attention of professional journalists' organizations and the legislature.

This article raises the question of whether the political scandals that take place in Lithuania have an effect on public trust in Lithuania's state institutions and, if so, what kind of an effect can be perceived. The following institutions of the Republic of Lithuania were selected for analysis: the Government, the Parliament, the Institution of the President, the Special Investigation Service, and the State Security Department. The analysis covers the 2004–2016 years (inclusive) period. The links between political scandals and trust in state institutions are analyzed based on an institutional approach to changes in governmental trust, as well as a non-functional approach to political scandals and the results of empirical studies analyzing political scandals and their relation to governmental trust. In order to determine links between political scandals and trust in state institutions, a dynamic linear regression with time series data was performed. The analysis suggests that political scandals that took place in Lithuania during the period of 2004–2016 had a substantial impact on changes in public trust in state institutions. In the case of all institutions, a negative short-term impact of political scandals on trust in these institutions has been identified. The results of the analysis also reveal that the extent of the negative impact of political scandals may depend on the level of intensity of the escalation of political scandals in the media and the type of political scandal.

This article raises the question of whether the political scandals that take place in Lithuania have an effect on public trust in Lithuania's state institutions and, if so, what kind of an effect can be perceived. The following institutions of the Republic of Lithuania were selected for analysis: the Government, the Parliament, the Institution of the President, the Special Investigation Service, and the State Security Department. The analysis covers the 2004–2016 years (inclusive) period. The links between political scandals and trust in state institutions are analyzed based on an institutional approach to changes in governmental trust, as well as a non-functional approach to political scandals and the results of empirical studies analyzing political scandals and their relation to governmental trust. In order to determine links between political scandals and trust in state institutions, a dynamic linear regression with time series data was performed. The analysis suggests that political scandals that took place in Lithuania during the period of 2004–2016 had a substantial impact on changes in public trust in state institutions. In the case of all institutions, a negative short-term impact of political scandals on trust in these institutions has been identified. The results of the analysis also reveal that the extent of the negative impact of political scandals may depend on the level of intensity of the escalation of political scandals in the media and the type of political scandal.

This article raises the question of whether the political scandals that take place in Lithuania have an effect on public trust in Lithuania's state institutions and, if so, what kind of an effect can be perceived. The following institutions of the Republic of Lithuania were selected for analysis: the Government, the Parliament, the Institution of the President, the Special Investigation Service, and the State Security Department. The analysis covers the 2004–2016 years (inclusive) period. The links between political scandals and trust in state institutions are analyzed based on an institutional approach to changes in governmental trust, as well as a non-functional approach to political scandals and the results of empirical studies analyzing political scandals and their relation to governmental trust. In order to determine links between political scandals and trust in state institutions, a dynamic linear regression with time series data was performed. The analysis suggests that political scandals that took place in Lithuania during the period of 2004–2016 had a substantial impact on changes in public trust in state institutions. In the case of all institutions, a negative short-term impact of political scandals on trust in these institutions has been identified. The results of the analysis also reveal that the extent of the negative impact of political scandals may depend on the level of intensity of the escalation of political scandals in the media and the type of political scandal.

This article raises the question of whether the political scandals that take place in Lithuania have an effect on public trust in Lithuania's state institutions and, if so, what kind of an effect can be perceived. The following institutions of the Republic of Lithuania were selected for analysis: the Government, the Parliament, the Institution of the President, the Special Investigation Service, and the State Security Department. The analysis covers the 2004–2016 years (inclusive) period. The links between political scandals and trust in state institutions are analyzed based on an institutional approach to changes in governmental trust, as well as a non-functional approach to political scandals and the results of empirical studies analyzing political scandals and their relation to governmental trust. In order to determine links between political scandals and trust in state institutions, a dynamic linear regression with time series data was performed. The analysis suggests that political scandals that took place in Lithuania during the period of 2004–2016 had a substantial impact on changes in public trust in state institutions. In the case of all institutions, a negative short-term impact of political scandals on trust in these institutions has been identified. The results of the analysis also reveal that the extent of the negative impact of political scandals may depend on the level of intensity of the escalation of political scandals in the media and the type of political scandal.

This article aims to determine the impact of corruption scandals on systemic partisan and legislative changes. The study is based on one case analysis focusing on the MG Baltic corruption scandal, which can be distinguished from other corruption scandals by its systemic large-scale trade of and the impact on political processes in Lithuania. The study uses the triangulation method using both official sources of information and 15 anonymous interviews that helped measure changes in informal politics-business relations in the context of the MG Baltic scandal. The changes are analyzed on three levels: changes in legislation, prevention of corruption within parties, and changes in informal political routines. The analysis confirms the significance of the three variables examined in the study - public discontent, media attention and political leadership - for the implementation of anti-corruption reforms.

This article aims to determine the impact of corruption scandals on systemic partisan and legislative changes. The study is based on one case analysis focusing on the MG Baltic corruption scandal, which can be distinguished from other corruption scandals by its systemic large-scale trade of and the impact on political processes in Lithuania. The study uses the triangulation method using both official sources of information and 15 anonymous interviews that helped measure changes in informal politics-business relations in the context of the MG Baltic scandal. The changes are analyzed on three levels: changes in legislation, prevention of corruption within parties, and changes in informal political routines. The analysis confirms the significance of the three variables examined in the study - public discontent, media attention and political leadership - for the implementation of anti-corruption reforms.

This article aims to determine the impact of corruption scandals on systemic partisan and legislative changes. The study is based on one case analysis focusing on the MG Baltic corruption scandal, which can be distinguished from other corruption scandals by its systemic large-scale trade of and the impact on political processes in Lithuania. The study uses the triangulation method using both official sources of information and 15 anonymous interviews that helped measure changes in informal politics-business relations in the context of the MG Baltic scandal. The changes are analyzed on three levels: changes in legislation, prevention of corruption within parties, and changes in informal political routines. The analysis confirms the significance of the three variables examined in the study - public discontent, media attention and political leadership - for the implementation of anti-corruption reforms.