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This study finds that audience exposure and attention to three media—newspapers, television news, and radio news—are separate dimensions, based on a telephone survey of 234 individuals 18 years old and up in Bloomington, Indiana. The relationships among exposure and attention and knowledge gain, opinion direction, opinion strength, and actual behavior are less clear, although there is evidence that newspapers are more likely to influence cognitive learning while television influences both cognition and attitudes. Radio news was less influential.

Introduction: media power, media politics / Jeremy D. Mayer -- The presidency and the news media / Jeffrey Crouch and John Anthony Maltese -- The Congress and the news media / Mark J. Rozell and Richard J. Semiatin -- Interview: the Honorable Stephanie Herseth Sandlin (d-sd) -- Press coverage of the United States Supreme Court / Vincent James Strickler and Richard Davis -- Assignment: generational change in media consumption -- Civil rights and liberties: the gate keeping power of the media / Nina Therese Kasniunas -- Interview: Janet Terry, local news writer/producer -- Bureaucracy and the media / Jan Vermeer -- Assignment: media exposure survey -- A little knowledge is a dangerous thing: what we know about the role of the media in state politics / Tari Renner and G. Patrick Lynch -- Interview: Brenna Holmes, online political activist/consultant -- Political parties and the media / C. Danielle Vinson -- Presidential elections and the media / Mary E. Stuckey and Kristina E. Curry -- Interview: David Marks, politics editor of Politico.com -- The news media and organized interests in the United States / Ronald G. Shaiko -- Assignment: the political message of your favorite movie -- The media and public opinion / Stephen K. Medvic and David A. Dulio -- The new bully pulpit: global media and foreign policy / Maryann Cusimano Love -- Assignment: playing politics on social networks -- The central role of media and communication in terrorism and counterterrorism / Brigitte L. Nacos -- Interview: Ed Morrissey, political blogger -- The new media / Jeremy D. Mayer and Michael Cornfield

The Companion to Media Studies and Digital Humanities is about researching media through new media: for example, playing games to better understand their politics and mechanics, exhibiting new media art to witness how people engage it, building stories to become more familiar with their structures and narratives, making wearable technologies to explore the overlaps between norms and fashion, or developing software to examine its relation to writing and literacy. In this introduction, I survey some tensions and overlaps between media studies and digital humanities and then focus on four key areas of analysis emerging from their intersection in this companion: moving beyond text in digital humanities research, foregrounding the importance of collaboration and laboratories outside of the sciences, underscoring the need for cultural criticism and social justice research when working with technologies, and expanding what "intervention" and "research contribution" mean in a moment obsessed with "doing," "making," and "hacking." I conclude the introduction with an outline and rationale for each of the Companion's five sections: Access, Praxis, Justice; Design, Interface, Interaction; Mediation, Method, Materiality; Remediation, Data, Memory; and Making, Programming, Hacking.

The concepts of media accountability, media criticism and media governance are analysed and discussed in a Swedish setting; how they relate to each other and interact. This is achieved by using various methods – a survey to editors, analy- ses of parliamentary debates, interviews, direct observation and document stu- dies – in studying different stakeholders, media representatives and governance conditions in Sweden during the last 70 years. The findings point in a direction of dynamic complexities with a central role for media criticism. The type, level and intensity of media criticism may affect the functioning of the media governance structure and is a vital part of the media accountability process. The media governance structure – which in addi- tion to media criticism is influenced by international conditions, technological developments and political factors – may in turn affect the media accountability process. In this process, media representatives aim to defend obtained positions of societal influence, achieve and maintain positive PR and enhance editorial quality at the same time. Media criticism may start a substantial media accountability process if the discontent is widespread and not countered by market approval or political iner- tia. The process is facilitated if the critique is connected to more than one frame of accountability and if stakeholders see opportunities for dual objectives. Very strong and widespread media criticism may be difficult for media organizations to neglect. The accountability process in Sweden has become less dependent on corpora- tive negotiations between organized interests and political assemblies. Instead, two other tendencies seem to have emerged: on the one hand a possibility for media organizations to favour such accountability processes that they are able to control, and on the other hand the rise of a rich variety of sometimes short-lived accountability instruments that may develop for specific occasions and are difficult to control.

As we were writing this chapter, the 2020 election campaign in the US was entering its last week before the elections. There are probably few more news-intensive events in the world than the American presidential elections. The smallest and, in other settings, seemingly irrelevant details of a candidate's behaviour and appearance (a slip of the tongue, the way that they laugh or their temporary memory losses) are immediately picked up by cameras and microphones and publicized across news networks and commented on and shared throughout social media networks in a matter of seconds and minutes, possibly affecting people's attitudes towards particular politicians and parties (directly or indirectly).

Abstract
In this article, Åke Pettersson writes about Sweden's only media programme that continued broadcasting without interruption for more than three decades. Called Vår grundade mening for the most part of its life, it ran into some problems in 2007 and came close to shutdown before re-emerging under the name of Publicerat, the appellation Pettersson prefers when talking about his programme. Since its inception in 1981 up to its demise in 2013, the radio programme has worked as 'watchdog' of the media scene in Sweden. Pettersson won several awards for his observations and discussions of media-related issues in Sweden and beyond. A close examination of the about 1500 episodes that he produced, edited and presented can tell volumes about the history of the Swedish media for over three decades. He starts with a few words about his own programme and then moves to the reaction and responses he has received from both public and private media outlets in Sweden. The article dwells on both positive and negative sides that emanate from a radio programme with a critical angle of the media. He touches upon the collaboration he has had as a practitioner with academia, namely, media journalism scholars. The article, although centring on the Swedish media scene, can have a lot of bearing on how the media may get involved in self-criticism to improve conditions and increase public awareness of media-related issues.

Abstract
Based on longitudinal research on the media coverage of terrorist attacks, this article suggests a model of how the coverage of these attacks may be conceptualized as a media event and explores the function this serves within society. The main assumption of the model is that journalists change their ritual of news coverage when dealing with exceptional terrorist attacks; they abandon their usual normative professional frame that encompasses such activities as critical scrutiny of governmental actions, and assume a national-patriotic coverage frame that seeks to reestablish normality and restore order. The model can be useful in clarifying the media's role following terror event. While media run the risk of reinforcing the terror event by giving it the public stage its perpetrators seek, by acting as patriots and not as professionals, journalists subvert the message of the terrorists, so that instead of passing on a message of terror, dread, and alarm, the media give the attacked country and society a message of solidarity, partnership, and stubborn endurance against the terrorist threat. The model may also be useful for understanding media coverage of other crisis situations apart from massive terror attacks.