Suchergebnisse

Det är uppenbart att det mediala intresset för stadsodling har vuxit påtagligt de senaste åren. En sökning i databasen Retriever visar en ökande användning av begreppet "urban odling" och en starkt ökande användning av ordet "stadsodling". Olika medier påverkar så klart varandra. Radioprogrammet Odla med stadsgrönt började sändas våren 2009. Medier påverkar politiken som i sin tur påverkar medier. Den förste oktober 2009 lämnades motionen "Stadsodling viktig i hållbara städer" in till riksdagen. Såväl media som politik påverkar och påverkas av praktiken. Våren 2009 började projektet Barn i stan odla i stadsdelen Seved i Malmö, ett projekt som uppmärksammats flitigt i media. Samma år började organisationen Stadsjord odla i stadsdelen Högsbo i Göteborg, även det flitigt uppmärksammat i media. Den statliga Delegationen för hållbara städer har beviljat bidrag till åtminstone fyra planeringsprojekt med inriktning mot stadsodling: SLU (sökt 2009), Plantagon (två projekt sökta 2010) samt Falun kommun (sökt 2012). Även investeringsprojekt har haft inslag av stadsodling, till exempel Malmö stads ansökan "Hållbar stadsomvandling Malmö, Fokus Rosengård" ( sökt 2010). Stadsodling finns med som ett inslag i flera aktuella stadsförnyelse- och stadsbyggnadsprojekt. Det har fått fungera som en symbol för kombinationen av ekologisk och social hållbarhet. En viktig fråga att reflektera över är därför hur hållbar stadsodling är. Vad kan vi ha för nytta av stadsodling? Hur kan odling ta plats i städerna? Hur kan vi stadsodla på ett hållbart sätt?

In the efforts to explain election outcomes, the interest in the effects of political communication, information & media coverage on political opinions has increased. This includes the effects of political opinion polls in the media. Especially, after 1980, numerous studies about the effects of opinion polls on voters' party preference have been published. However, it seems as if many studies approach the issue with ad hoc constructed models not or only partly guided by the existing literature. Research is little cumulative. One of the reasons for this is probably that no recent comprehensive & systematic overview has been published. This article fills this gap: It presents & systematizes approaches in studies analyzing the effects of opinion polls on voters' party preferences. By discussing theoretical & empirical gains & weaknesses, important questions for future research are highlighted. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The object of this thesis is to describe, analyze and understand the terms and meanings of the public information and the political communication for local democracy, in today´s media landscape, out of the interaction between the main parties of the local society in Sjöbo and Ystad and from the stand point of earlier research and theories. The study has analyzed the actions performed by citizens, politicians, employees and journalists as well as the scenes for this information and communication. The interplay is a never ending power struggle between the three parties, concerning the accessibility of information and communication, especially to the kind that is given and takes place in informal, nonofficial rooms and channels which are not publicly accessible. Theories by M Weber, E Goffman, Z Bauman, M Foucault, J Habermas etc are being used. Case study method has given rise to three themes. The first describes how the increasing demands of rationalization, are displayed in the everyday practice, how it manifests in the interaction between the three parties, where processes of rationalization undermine the possibilities of dialogue. The second theme describes how the three parties use different strategies in order to obtain or keep the power of the information and the communication and thus the power of the politics, how the definitions of the main parties can be deconstructed and how the power can shift from one actor to another, depending on available power positions. Those in power withdraw themselves from communication with the citizens in different ways,by the use of different power techniques, which leads to a dynamic resistance where both journalists and citizens work out counter strategies. The public speech about the need to revitalize the civic sphere has been prominent for a long time. The third theme thus describes this promising speech of the public information and the political communication, how it has been handled and what the consequences are. The empirical material displays that the holders of the traditional power positions, tend to polish this visible side. The cosmetic considerations have proved to be the most significant ones in the studied practice and do play a significant part in the contemporary discursive practice as well as it terms the public information and the political communication. Those in power try to project the cosmetic democracy and the speech of new opportunities, on democracy, on the importance of communication and information and of participating, have become necessary ingredients in the cosmetic democracy, which is increasing. This does not mean that all democracy being exercised is cosmetic. Nevertheless, the surface and the speech of democracy become more distant from the content, by all the talk of its splendid qualities.

In the extensive media coverage of the general election in 2010, one feature made a particularly lasting impression. Swedish Radio invited seven prominent members of parliament, each prompted to read and reflect upon modernist Gunnar Ekelof's 1941 poem "En varld ar varje manniska" In an attempt to examine a key aspect of the mutual relation between literature and politics, this article analyses the show and its reception in media, identifying the dichotomization of politics and literature as a central characteristic. Literature -- both from a consumer's and a producer's perspective -- is depicted as independent from, and in every way contrasting, everyday political life. I will thus argue that while Ekelof isn't appropriated ideologically in a traditional manner, e.g. using his poems to support a political argument, he (and literature in general) becomes a means to step out of an official position, instead assuming the role of a fellow man. This should in turn be understood as a claim for political legitimacy stemming from the 1800th century European reinterpretation of public relations in intimate terms. Adapted from the source document.

Today we are all photographers. Self-portraits are everywhere and snapshots of our lives are circulated and shared frenetically on various social media networks. Distinctions are blurred, not only between the private and public spheres but also between professional and amateur photographic practices. This calls for increased knowledge about the performative characteristics of digitised and networked visual communication. What are the limits of automation and what is the potential of virtuality? 'Auto' investigates how the everyday digital photography of our times challenges notions of autobiography, interactivity, and democracy.0

This thesis focuses primarily on the question "why is freedom of speech valuable in a democratic context?" I argue that it is problematic that free-dom of speech takes for granted and that the main question therefore is absent in current political science research, in legal texts, and in public discourse. I also argue that in democratic states the focus, regarding freedom of speech, is often on its boundaries and limits rather than on its justification. But it is highly problematic to find and establish its limits without dis-cussion why freedom of speech is desirable in the first place. The thesis poses two questions. The first concerns how freedom of speech is justified by the five strongest available arguments. I analyze the arguments and conclude that they justify freedom of speech differently but that they are similar in one aspect. Freedom of speech is not primarily justified as an individual right. It is rather justified in terms of the public good. The second question asks if we can reach a better understanding of the central arguments. I argue that the arguments have something in common; all of them justify freedom of speech with reference to a common value. I argue that this common value is what I call, a "reliable communication process". All five arguments claim that freedom of speech is valuable because it promotes a reliable communication process. This process is reliable in terms of its capacity to create a pluralistic public discourse that exposes citizens to ideas and perspectives that they would not have chosen in advance. This study results in the following findings. First, that freedom of speech is valuable in a democratic context because the reliable communication process supports the central democratic value of the enlightened understanding of the democratic citizen. Secondly, that I can give a principled reason for the boundaries of freedom of speech. This means that, according to the arguments, there are reasons to abolish or limit freedom of speech if the reliable communication process is damaged or absent, for example in case of war, anarchy, or violent circumstances. Third, that there are strong reasons in support of a public service media, and greater state intervention in media politics. One strong reason for that conclusion is that a public service media can ensure a pluralistic communication in society and counteract information conformity and intolerance among the members of society.

In recent Swedish political debate a former anonymous group has been noticed, political appointees in the political executives. In media they are often characterized as politicians and in the last decades an expansion of them has taken place, both at governmental and municipal level (Stockholm). However, studies of this key group are surprisingly few. The study is related to "politicization", a concept widely used in international political science. Not only the expansion (and the recent feminization) of the group is here discussed. Even more important is the changing patterns of careers and the creation of staffs of political appointees that surround the politicians. The changes can be viewed as an effort from the politicians to regain control of the bureaucracy. By studying this, at least in Sweden, neglected group, the concept on politicization also is developed. Adapted from the source document.

This study examines different meanings attached to and practices adopted during Swedish local consultation processes on offshore wind power projects. It analyses the role played by those processes in a democratic planning context, as well as the ways in which they are implemented. It also identifies overarching process models. The study is informed by theories on democracy, planning, participation, communication, and media. The empirical material comprises three case studies, each examining experiences of local consultation processes for wind power projects that led to differences in local reception. Methodologically, the study triangulates analyses of semi-structured interviews, documents and news articles. The results show that, in a Swedish context, the role of local consultation processes is to create legitimacy and trust in the process and planning decisions. The complex dynamics become evident in the different forms of participation, knowledge generation, and communication employed during the consultation. This is shown to be the result of various democratic and planning attitudes to locally-situated interests and knowledge, which in turn lead to differing views on local understanding for and acceptance of project proposals. The study develops three schematic models that correspond to different types of consultation processes. An important conclusion is that the content and form of local consultation processes depends on the agency of several actors on different scales. They are not simple pre-designed by project planners, but the result of a far more complex interaction between a host of local actors, including officials, local media, and local communities. The categorisation of different local consultation processes could contribute to awareness about the implications of various ways of working with large-scale projects from local perspectives. ; I den här avhandlingen undersöks lokala förankringsprocesser med ett särskilt fokus på havsbaserade vindkraftsprojekt. Diskussionen uppehåller sig vid frågor om förankringsprocessens roll i en svensk planeringskontext, samt hur olika utformningar av processen kan påverka det lokala mottagandet. Studien visar att förankringsprocesser ytterst handlar om legitimitet och tillit. I praktiken förekommer en stor variation, komplexitet och dynamik i lokala förankringsprocesser. Det yttrar sig bland annat genom olika former av deltagande, kunskapsbyggande och kommunikation. Centralt i resonemangen är demokratiska och planeringsmässiga förhållningssätt till platsbundna intressen och kunskaper. På så sätt tydliggörs skillnader i synen på förståelse och lokal acceptans avseende ett projektförslag. Genom studien urskiljs också tre schematiska förankringsmodeller som belyser sådana skillnader. Förståelse för lokala förankringsprocesser har betydelse inte minst avseende påverkan på lokal acceptans för storskaliga projekt.

This book highlights the diverse roles of the humanities in the history of the Swedish welfare society. This society has often been seen as dominated by an instrumental view of knowledge that rewarded the social sciences, natural sciences and technology, but the contributions in this book show the significant role that the humanities played in the Swedish welfare state. Various forms of humanistic knowledge and knowledge actors were part of large networks and left a clear mark on the public sphere and society at large. A narrative of the marginalization and crisis of the humanities in the postwar period must therefore be problematized. This edited volume brings together some twenty scholars from a number of humanities disciplines (history, history of ideas, media history, literary studies, archaeology, education, etc.). Much of the current research on the history of the humanities conducted in Sweden today is brought together here and put in relation to international discussions in fields such as history of humanities, history of knowledge, etc. The book is a sibling to the monograph Humanister i offentligheten, which was published in 2022.

En las últimas décadas la familia ecuatoriana ha experimentado ausencia parental, divorcios, crisis económica y la pandemia COVID-19, conflictos que han alterado la interacción y salud mental de los miembros del hogar y afectado la autoestima de los adolescentes. El objetivo de la investigación fue determinar la relación entre el funcionamiento familiar y la autoestima. Se utilizó un muestreo no probabilístico que incluyó a 285 estudiantes. La investigación se fundamentó en un paradigma pos-positivista, con diseño no experimental, de modalidad cuantitativa, con un alcance descriptivo-correlacional y de corte trasversal. Los datos se recogieron mediante el cuestionario de Funcionamiento Familiar FF-SIL y la escala de Autoestima de Rosemberg. Entre los principales hallazgos se encontró que el 42,5 % provienen de familias moderadamente funcionales y el 36,1 % poseen disfuncionalidad familiar. En tanto, el 36.1 % posee una autoestima baja mientras que el 34,4% una autoestima media. La funcionalidad familiar se relacionó de forma positiva con la autoestima (r=,553; p<0,05), es decir, conforme aumenta o disminuye el funcionamiento familiar también lo hace la autoestima en los adolescentes.

En la actualidad, los medios de comunicación impresos enfrentan la lucha por no desaparecer frente a los nuevos medios digitales. A nivel local no es la excepción, en la ciudad de Riobamba circulan siete diarios y su demanda es baja debido a las ediciones digitales y a la facilidad de obtenerlos. Los diarios riobambeños, La Prensa y Los Andes, colocan en circulación una media de 2000 y 1000 ejemplares respectivamente incluido suplementos con el objetivo de llegar a otros segmentos. Para su diagramación, la tipografía cumple un rol relevante, ya que es la encargada de atraer a los lectores. El objetivo general del estudio fue determinar la relación entre el uso de códigos tipográficos en los periódicos La Prensa y Los Andes y la preferencia de los lectores de la ciudad de Riobamba. Para el desarrollo de la investigación se ha utilizado el enfoque cuantitativo y cualitativo, de diseño correlacional, se empleó la observación y la encuesta como técnicas, la muestra se obtuvo de la población económicamente activa de Riobamba, como resultados se evidencia que existen falencias en la composición y selección de las tipografías para la diagramación y que la tipografía incide en la elección de los lectores.

El artículo refleja los resultados de una investigación - acción, donde se aplicó un juego para el aprendizaje agrícola evaluando el antes y después; como resultado se obtuvo el diseño e implementación del "Culreg", un juego didáctico en el aprendizaje de los "Cultivos de la Región", ejecutado en una institución Pública de Educación Media General en el estado Mérida, República Bolivariana de Venezuela. La creación del juego didáctico, tuvo como propósitos fundamentales; mejorar el proceso de enseñanza, aprendizaje y facilitar a los docentes alternativas para la enseñanza, en respuesta a la situación que existía, donde los docentes no planifican juegos como estrategia de enseñanza, como una herramienta innovadora en sus actividades académicas. Como resultado se logró enfocar a los jóvenes en un aprendizaje satisfactorio en el proceso de formación agrícola, logrando mayor comprensión, memorización, incremento de la capacidad de análisis de los postulados teóricos y los resultados prácticos y cumplir conscientemente las normas en las actividades planificadas, en los cultivos de Naranja y Lechosa, respecto al proceso de preparación, siembra, conocimiento de plagas, nomenclatura científica y desarrollo de la capacidad de trabajar en grupo, por lo que se recomienda a los docentes desarrollar este tipo de actividades.