Suchergebnisse

Amy Jordan addresses the need to balance the media industry's potentially important contributions to the healthy development of America's children against the consequences of excessive and age-inappropriate media exposure. Much of the philosophical tension regarding how much say the government should have about media content and delivery stems from the U.S. Constitution's First Amendment protection against government interference in free speech, including commercial speech. Courts, Jordan says, have repeatedly had to weigh the rights of commercial entities to say what they please against the need to protect vulnerable citizens such as children. This balancing act is complicated even further, she says, because many government regulations apply only to broadcast television and not to non-broadcast media such as the Internet or cable television, though Congress has addressed the need to protect children's privacy online. The need to protect both free speech and children has given rise to a fluid media policy mix of federal mandates and industry self-regulation. Jordan describes the role of the three branches of the federal government in formulating and implementing media policy. She also notes the jockeying for influence in policymaking by industry lobbies, child advocacy groups, and academic researchers. The media industry itself, says Jordan, is spurred to self-regulation when public disapproval grows severe enough to raise the possibility of new government action. Jordan surveys a range of government and industry actions, from legislatively required parental monitoring tools, such as the V-Chip blocking device on television sets, to the voluntary industry ratings systems governing television, movies, and video games, to voluntary social website disclosures to outright government bans, such as indecency and child privacy information collection. She considers the success of these efforts in limiting children's exposure to damaging content and in improving parents' ability to supervise their children's media use. Jordan concludes by considering the relevance and efficacy of today's media policy given the increasingly rapid pace of technological change. The need for research in informing and evaluating media policy, she says, has never been greater.

Racializing Media Policycontributes to a wider understanding of the role of policy work in the media systems, examining the ways that race is embedded within those structures. It is an important read for scholars across the Sociology and Media Studies fields, in addition to providing critical context for policymakers.

A comprehensive study of media and communications policy, this book examines policy areas that have proved to be of common concern for societies across different socio-economic realities. It also seeks to address profound gaps in the study of policy by demonstrating the centrality of historical, social and political context in debates

This article offers a definition of media policy and, through a discussion of specific areas of public policy, describes the scope of media policy as an area of potential government intervention. I argue for a more expansive conceptualization of media policy than has typically guided the work of 21st-century media policymakers. I also argue that there has been a troubling tendency to apply a technology policy framework to contexts that would be better served by a media policy analytical framework. The result has been a neglect of core media policy principles that are focused on cultivating an informed citizenry and ensuring that communities' information needs are being met.

The variable "actors" records individuals or collectives, who appear as a source for assertions of facts and evaluations and whose actions, interests or demands are addressed in an article (Hillebrand, 2005). In the case of media self-coverage, and especially when dealing with media policy issues, media organizations themselves might be affected by them. Hence, media organizations may strategically use their privileged access to the public to promote their own interests, for example by selecting actors and positions that will be publicly heard. Several studies have found a predominance of "opportune actors" and experts representing a position that supports media organization's own interests (Kemner, Scherer, & Weinacht, 2008; Lichtenstein, 2011; Maier & Dogruel, 2016). Field of application/theoretical foundation The variable serves to identify the actors involved in specific media discourses and can serve as an indicator for attempted influence by media organizations through biased selection. Example studies Hillebrand, 2005; Pedrazzi, 2020 Information on Pedrazzi, 2020 Research interest: Pedrazzi (2020) investigates Swiss media coverage of media policy, public service in general and the Swiss public service organization SRG SSR in the context of the referendum on the revision of the Federal Act on Radio and Television (RTVA) in 2015 and the No-Billag initiative in 2018. Object of analysis: Representative samples of articles covering each the revision of the RTVA and the No-Billag initiative in twelve regional and national Swiss German print and online publications with different ownership. Time frame of analysis: January 1, 2010 to March 4, 2018 Information about variable Level of analysis: article Operationalization/Coding instructions: "The main actor and the two most important secondary actors mentioned in the article and who speak directly or indirectly on media policy issues, i.e. either on one of the proposals (revision of RTVA and/or No-Billag initiative) and its consequences, on the subject of ...

EU media policy has to be considered as an element of the overall economic goals of the EU: it pursues those goals rather than genuine media policy objectives such as freedom of expression, pluralism and diversity, democratic function of media, equal access to information or the notion of programme or content quality. Any meaningful evaluation of media policy of the European Union needs to distinguish between two different concepts: the economic objectives of the EU, the adherence of member state's legislation to EU standards, the completion of the single market, the degree of legislative alignment to harmonized media matters, the macro-economic achievements at the level of job-creation, foreign trade and growth of the sector on the one hand, and further reaching media policy aims as regards social, intellectual and cultural welfare of Europe's public on the other.