Suchergebnisse

The research data described below was collected as part of the SWP study "Friends and Foes: the instrumentalisation of Israel and Iran in the Maghreb". The period of qualitative research and data collection was from 1.1.2020 to 31.1.2024. The project was designed to be exploratory. The central research question that emerged was how decision-makers in the three Maghreb states of Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia attempt to influence attitudes and discourses on Israel and Iran and use them for domestic and foreign policy purposes. Further, subordinate research questions can be derived from this: How are Israel and Iran portrayed in official discourses and sources? What public moods and resonance does the respective state control encounter? Where does it reach its limits and what domestic and foreign policy risks are associated with the instrumentalization of Israel and/or Iran? To this end, texts from the news agencies of Algeria and Morocco were collected, coded and analyzed for the official framing. Arabic language Twitter data was collected and analyzed in order to depict public and political moods. Qualitative interviews were conducted, Facebook pages were qualitatively evaluated and opinion polls from the region were used for a comparison. These qualitative analysis are not included in the data set.

The article presents the urban space use of the LGBTQI+ community in a post‐socialist and illiberal country, Hungary, by focusing on the historical development of Pride marches within the capital. Examining these events' routes, current regulations, and resistance related to Pride, the article observes acts of silencing and the disruption of silencing concerning the LGBTQI+ community. First, we rely on sexual and intimate citizenship studies (e.g., Plummer, 2003; Richardson, 2017) to highlight the public/private divide and related (in)visibility and human rights issues associated with the LGBTQI+ community within a cis‐ and heteronormative environment. Second, queer geography and the geography of sexualities are used to better understand the cis‐ and heteronormative environment within which sexual and gender minorities exist and operate. Regarding the Hungarian context, we assume that "a gradual extension of public space use" is present concerning the public events of the LGBTQI+ community in Hungary (Takács, 2014, p. 202). The article analyzes three aspects concerning the Pride parades held in Budapest through the 3R analytical lens and connected silencing and the disruption of silencing: the spatial routes of the Budapest Pride, related regulations, and the resistance to and of LGBTQI+ visibility in an urban setting. First, through maps, we visualize the routes of the Budapest Pride parades from 1997 to 2022 to understand how the visibility of LGBTQI+ and allies is constricted and regulated in the spatial dimension. Second, following the regulatory approach of the Budapest Pride organization, we focus on how the police ensure these events' and attendees' safety and whether cordons - physical symbols of division between participants, police, and bystanders or protesters - are necessary. The third aspect elucidates the resistance against and toward the visibility of LGBTQI+ people in the urban setting.

The Yogyakarta Principles for the application of human rights to sexual orientation and gender identity define gender identity as "each person's deeply felt internal and individual experience of gender, which may or may not correspond with the sex assigned at birth, including the personal sense of the body and other expressions of gender, including dress, speech, and mannerisms." This definition and its acknowledgment within human rights politics is a key step in the fight of trans people for legal protection. Our aim is to analyze this definition both historically and systematically to find out how the Western liberal conception of rights fosters specific trans politics and limits the options for others. Specifically, we claim that political liberalism and the form of subjective rights that it brings about influence concepts of identity and political strategies. While we analyze the limits of the liberal framework, our aim is to think about how it is possible that even within this framework, non-normative bodies and queer identities can be acknowledged and supported through law.

Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Diplomarbeit Universität Innsbruck 2021

Wahrheitskommissionen sind ein zentrales Instrument zur Aufarbeitung vergangener Menschenrechtsverletzungen. Die südafrikanische Truth and Reconciliation Commission von 1996 bis 2002 gilt weltweit als einflussreiches Transitional-Justice-Modell. Anne Fleckstein untersucht, welche operativen Verfahren der Kommission an der Zusammensetzung, Autorisierung und Tradierung von »Wahrheiten« mitwirkten und auf welche Weise sie eine neue politische Macht einsetzten und festigten. Sie spürt damit den medien- und kulturtechnischen Bedingungen von politischen Übergangsprozessen und -ordnungen nach. Im Fokus stehen zentrale Techniken wie Bezeugen, Wahrsprechen, Übersetzen und Fürsprechen sowie Medien wie Formulare, Protokolle und Datenbanken.

Über die Rechte von Schutzsuchenden gegen sogenannte Dublin-Überstellungen im Gemeinsamen Europäischen Asylsystem entscheiden gleich zwei europäische Gerichte. Lisa-Marie Lührs analysiert die Rechtsprechung von EGMR und EuGH und entwickelt daraus ein spezifisches, einheitliches Refoulement -Verbot in innereuropäischen Überstellungskonstellationen aus Art. 3 EMRK bzw. Artt. 4, 19 II GRCh. Sie zeigt zudem, unter welchen Voraussetzungen auch aus anderen Konventions- und Chartarechten weitere Überstellungsverbote folgen können. Dabei untersucht sie insbesondere die Rolle des Grundsatzes des gegenseitigen Vertrauens, der den Rechtsschutz gegen Dublin-Überstellungen entscheidend prägt: Allein bei Vorliegen sogenannter »außergewöhnlicher Umstände« lässt der EuGH eine grundrechtliche Überprüfung ausnahmsweise zu. Die Autorin beleuchtet, welche Umstände außergewöhnlich genug sind, um die Vermutungswirkung des Vertrauensgrundsatzes zu widerlegen.

This article examines how Malaysia has sought to improve migrant workers' welfare through the revision of its labor laws. Migrant workers' welfare in Malaysia has been hindered by the absence of social security frameworks, outdated labor laws, multiple dependence on labor intermediaries, and employers' lack of accountability. In 2019, two labor laws were amended based on International Labor Organization standards: the Workers' Minimum Standard of Housing and Amenities Act (1990) and the Employees' Social Security Act (1969). The amendments have equalized the statutory protection between national and migrant workers, increased employers' accountability for their migrant workers' welfare, and addressed forced labor. With this legal framework, Malaysia's migration management has been associated with better social security protection for migrant workers, which was previously absent from foreign worker policies. The legal reforms indicate the government's attempt in solving the tension in Malaysia's migration management, by ensuring balance between migrants' welfare, labor market needs, and immigration control. These observations and analysis draw upon legislations, federal government gazettes, Hansard records, official reports of intergovernmental organizations, press statements of civil society actors, online newspapers, and secondary literature. (ASEAS/GIGA)