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Our Portion of Hell: Fayette County, Tennessee: An Oral History of the Struggle for Civil Rights offers an unrivalled account of how a rural Black community drew together to combat the immense forces aligned against them. Author Robert Hamburger first visited Fayette County as part of a student civil rights project in 1965 and, in 1971, set out to document the history of the grassroots movement there. Beginning in 1959, Black residents in Fayette County attempting to register to vote were met with brutal resistance from the white community. Sharecropping families whose names appeared on voter registration rolls were evicted from their homes and their possessions tossed by the roadside. These dispossessed families lived for months in tents on muddy fields, as Fayette County became a "tent city" that attracted national attention. The white community created a blacklist culled from voter registration rolls, and those whose names appeared on the list were denied food, gas, and every imaginable service at shops, businesses, and gas stations throughout the county. Hamburger conducted months of interviews with residents of the county, inviting speakers to recall childhood experiences in the "Old South" and to explain what inspired them to take a stand against the oppressive system that dominated life in Fayette County. Their stories, told in their own words, make up the narrative of Our Portion of Hell. This reprint edition includes twenty-nine documentary photographs and an insightful new afterword by the author. There, he discusses the making of the book and reflects upon the difficult truth that although the civil rights struggle, once so immediate, has become history, many of the core issues that inspired the struggle remain as urgent as ever

Diese Sammlung liefert Geschichte und Hintergrundinformationen zum Verständnis des Autoritarismus in Ländern von Russland bis eSwatini und von Brasilien bis zu den Philippinen sowie konzeptionelle Ansätze zum Verständnis des Autoritarismus und des Widerstands dagegen, spezifische praktische Erfahrungen beim Aufbau internationaler Solidarität und Debatten, die sich aus diesem Gebot ergeben. Die Kapitel befassen sich mit der Konvergenz von Politik und gewerkschaftlicher Organisierung im Autoritarismus, mit dem Einsatz von Arbeitsgesetzen und -institutionen zur Unterdrückung von Arbeit, mit Alternativen zu herkömmlichen Gewerkschaften, wenn diese kooptiert oder verboten sind, und mit der Behandlung von Flüchtlingen auf ungleichen Arbeitsmärkten. Das Buch richtet sich an Gewerkschaftsaktivisten, Wissenschaftler und Arbeitnehmer überall.

This handbook provides a comprehensive overview of the changing dynamics in the relationship between the African continent and the EU, provided by leading experts in the field. Structured into five parts, the handbook provides an incisive look at the past, present and potential futures of EU-Africa relations. The cutting-edge chapters cover themes like multilateralism, development assistance, institutions, gender equality and science and technology, among others. Thoroughly researched, this book provides original reflections from a diversity of conceptual and theoretical perspectives, from experts in Africa, Europe and beyond. The handbook thus offers rich and comprehensive analyses of contemporary global politics as manifested in Africa and Europe.

This study is a mapping of existing temporary relocation programmes and support networks for artists and cultural workers based in Latin American countries. It investigates the prerequisites for partnerships between arts institutions and human rights organisations as a means to better protect artists at risk and to promote artistic freedom. The human rights and the arts sectors approach these aims from their different perspectives, with different terminology and different focuses. The study calls upon these two sectors to develop synergies in their strategies to better meet the needs of artists at risk in Latin American regional contexts in all their diversity. As such, the study provides insights into current developments, e.g. in Mexico, Argentina, Costa Rica and Colombia.

El objetivo de este estudio es establecer un mapa inicial de los programas de reubicación temporal y redes de apoyo para artistas y trabajadores culturales en América Latina. Además, se examinan los elementos necesarios para impulsar colaboraciones entre las instituciones artísticas y las organizaciones de derechos humanos con el fin de brindar una mayor protección a artistas en riesgo y promover la libertad artística y de creación. El sector de los derechos humanos y de las artes abordan estos temas desde diferentes perspectivas, con diferente terminología y diferentes enfoques. El estudio invita a estos dos sectores a buscar sinergias en sus estrategias para atender mejor las necesidades de las y los artistas en riesgo tanto a nivel regional como a nivel de cada país. Para hacerlo, proporciona información sobre los desarrollos actuales en algunos países, por ejemplo en México, Argentina, Costa Rica y Colombia y presenta diferentes modelos de reubicación temporal.

The growing popularity of, and ongoing debates surrounding, the concept of corporate social responsibility (CSR) and the practice of corporate social and environmental reporting have a lot to do with the inter-exchange of ideas and resources due to global inter-connections and inter-dependencies between countries and regions. Globalization has also moved CSR from a simple matter of corporate practice and corporate governance to a topical issue for national and transnational public governance and socioeconomic development. Scholars, policymakers and national and international NGOs, social movements and civil society groups are continually seeking ways to promote 'universal' CSR principles and international best practices and standards in different jurisdictional contexts. This is especially true in relation to multinational enterprises operating through subsidiaries, affiliates and complicated supply chains in developing and emerging countries where regulatory and institutional standards are comparably weaker.

Kenyan Human Rights Defenders (HRDs) are engaged in many different fields, including sexual orientation and gender identity, women and children rights, reproductive health, police killings and corruption. Their work exposes them as well as their home communities to threats, trauma and stress and has led to stigmatisation and loss of status in some cases. Therefore, defenders seek and are offered temporary relocations, where they are placed for a limited period of time in order to rest, build up capacity, extend their network and continue their work while being away and after returning home. This study focuses
on the impact of temporary relocation programmes on HRDs' home communities, an aspect that is often overlooked. The study is mainly based on data from a focus group discussion
and individual interviews in 2019/2020 with 16 defenders, seven family members and seven NGO practitioners who assisted the defenders in the relocation process. The data shows that the home community mainly benefits from psychosocial well-being and safety improvements, knowledge sharing, new contacts and capacity building of the HRDs after returning home. Main challenges were related to unrealistic expectations of the home community, especially in financial terms, negative profiling due to association with controversial political affairs, strenuous application processes and socio-economic challenges as a consequence of the HRD being away. The study closes with practical recommendations to strengthen the home community, among others by engaging more with the HRD's home community throughout the process and involving alumni in the programmes.

Antisemitismus bei muslimischen Jugendlichen, mangelnde Vorstellungen von Gleichberechtigung, ein anderes Verständnis von Demokratie und Religionsfreiheit - manche Muslime geben nichts auf die liberalen Werte des Westens. Doch woher kommt das? Eine mögliche Antwort: weil junge Muslime es so lernen. Constantin Schreiber nimmt Schulbücher in der islamischen Welt unter die Lupe, unter anderem aus dem Iran, der Türkei, Afghanistan, Saudi-Arabien. Was wird dort im Religions- oder Geschichtsunterricht gelehrt? Was lernen Schüler über Philosophie? Schreiber spricht mit Lehrern, Eltern und Schülern und stellt fest: In einigen Ländern sind Schulen kein Ort der Bildung, sondern Orte der Ideologisierung. Junge Menschen lernen dort, die Welt mit anderen Augen zu sehen, als wir es im Westen tun. Und das hat auch Auswirkungen auf Deutschland und Europa

"After decades of mismanagement and direct military rule, Myanmar's contested transition to a more democratic government has rapidly shifted the outlook in this significant Southeast Asian nation. Since 2011, the removal of Western sanctions and new foreign investments have resulted in high rates of economic growth and an expanding middle class, albeit from a very low base. In a result unthinkable a few years earlier, former political prisoner and Nobel laureate, Aung San Suu Kyi, and her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), formed a national government in early 2016. However, despite significant political and economic reforms since the liberalisation process commenced, the transition to civilian rule remains constrained by the military's 2008 Constitution, which guarantees that it operates unfettered by civilian oversight. As a result, although some ethnic conflicts have abated, others continue to fester while new conflicts have erupted. With a daunting task ahead the NLD government has made some progress in removing the vestiges of repressive military-era laws but many remain untouched and some of the practices of the new government provide unwelcome reminders of its authoritarian history. This timely Handbook describes the political, economic, cultural and strategic dimensions of this crucial period of transition in Myanmar life. It presents explanations for contradictory trends, including those that defy some of the early narratives about the comprehensive transformation of Myanmar life. The Handbook also considers the impact of major environmental, strategic, demographic and cultural trends which help in understanding that Myanmar's development will be an ongoing task"--

1. Introduction - Africa Foreign Policies and International Organizations:The View from the 21st Century -- 2. An Ambivalence to the Norm-Cycle: The African Union's "New" Approach to Continental Peace and Security -- 3. The AU and Continental Foreign Economic Policy Making in Africa: Institutions and Dialectics on Integration in the Global Economy -- 4. The Troubled Socialising Agent: Democratic Governance and the African Union's Quest to Become an Independent Foreign Policy Actor -- 5. Beyond the Collective: Comparative Strategic Utility of the African Union and the RECs in Pursuing Individual National Security Foreign Policy Goals -- 6. The Role of African Regional Organizations in Post-Election Governments of National Unity -- 7. Nationalism Underpinned by Pan-Regionalism: African Foreign Policies in ECOWAS in Era of Anti-Globalization -- 8. The Intergovernmental Authority on Development: Internal Culture of Foreign Policymaking and Sources of Weaknesses -- 9. The Uses (and Abuses) of the Economic Community of Central African States: The Hidden Functions of Regional Economic Community Membership for African Regimes -- 10. The Instrumentalization of SADC to Achieve Foreign Policy Agendas -- 11. Partnering for Peace: United Nations and African Union Collaboration in Peace and Security -- 12. South Africa's Foreign Policy and the International Criminal Court: Of African Lessons, Security Council Reform, and Possiblities for an Improved ICC -- 13. The International Labor Organization and African States: Internationalizing States and Dispersed Foreign Policy -- 14. African Agency and the World Bank in the 21st Century -- 15. Global Humanitarian Organizations and African Goals: The Case of MSF in South Africa -- 16. Consistency in Inconsistency: South Africa's Foreign Policies in International Organizations -- 17. Leverage in a Tight Space: Zimbabwean Foreign Policy in International Organizations -- 18. Angola's Measured Distance from International Organizations -- 19. Decolonizing Intenational Relations: Insights From the International Financial Institutions in the Congo During the Cold War -- 20. Nigeria's Foreign Policy in Relation to the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) -- 21. Senegalese Foreign Policy and International Institutions: Leadership Through Soft Power from Senghor to Sall -- 22. Don't think Cameroon is Timid in International Organizations(ios), it is only a Strategic Approach for achieving its Foreign Policy Goals in Foreign Relations -- 23. Regional Powers, Great Power Allies, and International Institutions: The Case of Ethiopia -- 24. Djiboutian's Foreign Policy in International Institutions: Small State, Big Diplomacy -- 25. Conclusion - African Foreign Policies, International Institutions, and the Future of Global Governance

It is understood that only through global cooperation can we effectively provide global public goods such as climate and security. However, these challenges now occur at a time when international patterns of decision making are in flux due to the rise of emerging economic and political powers. Emerging economies, like China, play a crucial role. And while we outspokenly share a common interest in providing GPGs and mitigating shared negative effects such as climate change, many obstacles to cooperation between China and Europe remain.
As one of the authors mentioned, trust is needed to ensure that geostrategic competition is not a stronger interest than the common good. As part of public diplomacy, engagement for global public goods can aim for international reputation and respect. Is China's engagement in the global governance of GPGs credible in terms of China's projected image as a New Responsible Power? Authors in this anthology point towards changes in China's mindset and its taking over of new responsibilities in global governance. Taking a look at a variety of GPGs, they, in sum, sketch a picture of China's changing role in global governance and of the remaining differences in ideational concepts and political frameworks between China and Europe, that have to be taken into account for a more informed and sustainable cooperation on GPGs.

The 1948 UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide ("Genocide Convention") has a special standing in international law, as well as in international politics. For 60 years the crime of genocide has been recognised as the most horrendous crime in international law, famously designated the 'crime of crimes'. On the occasion of the 60th anniversary of its adoption the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights stated that 'genocide is the ultimate form of discrimination'. In the same context the chief prosecutor at the International Criminal Court described the Genocide Convention as a 'visionary and founding text for the Court'. The Convention has influenced the subsequent development of many different areas of international law. For example, the 1951 Advisory Opinion on the Genocide Convention enabled the International Court of Justice to shape the modern regime of reservations to treaties. More recently the prohibition against genocide has become a crucial pillar of international criminal law, with genocide being one of the core crimes falling under the jurisdiction of the UN ad hoc tribunals, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, and the permanent International Criminal Court since the 1990s.In this work the provisions of the Convention are analysed article-by-article, including abundant practice and jurisprudence. Distinct sections on cross-cutting issues of general importance complement the analysis