Inscriptiones Laconiae, Messeniae, Arcadiae, 1, Inscriptiones Laconiae et Messeniae
In: Inscriptiones Graecae 5,1
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In: Inscriptiones Graecae 5,1
In: Inscriptiones Graecae 5,2
In: Hellenic studies 4
La conquista de la vecina región de Mesenia, después de dos durísimas guerras, permitió a Esparta poner las bases de su hegemonía política y militar en la Hélade ya desde el Arcaísmo. En este trabajo se ofrece una reconstrucción del proceso de conquista y se analizan las fuertes tensiones que, como consecuencia del mismo, vivió la sociedad lacedemonia. Para ello se ha hecho uso del testimonio esencial, aunque fragmentario, del poeta contemporáneo Tirteo, de unas fuentes literarias tardías plagadas de elementos legendarios y sometidas al debate ideológico sobre la esclavización del pueblo mesenio y de la parca información aportada por la arqueología. ; The two Messenian wars, culminating in the Spartan conquest of the fertile neighboring region of Messenia and the enslavement of its inhabitants, who became helots, remain largely unknown, mainly due to the lack of sources. Apart some verses of Tyrtaeus, the Spartan poet of the mid-seventh century BC, the literary sources are belated and gather suspicious and contaminated ancient traditions riddled with legendary elements and subjected to the ideological debate about the enslavement of Greek people (and as Dorian as their Spartan conquerors). This has caused sharp controversies in modern historiography, which affect both the chronology and the credibility (and even the historicity) of certain episodes. According to an hypercritical posture, the possibility of reaching a minimum reconstruction and understanding of the historical events has even been denied, in such a way that the need to obviate them has been postulated. From our point of view, the historian himself/herself can (and should) perform this task of analysis and interpretation, but while taking extreme caution with these sources and, whenever possible, approaching the data provided by Archaeology; it is also essential to insert the two Messenian wars in structural problems and developments of the early Archaic Age, and not to isolate them, as has often been done. In this way, the conquest of Messenia emerges as an enterprise undertaken by the recently unified Lacedaemonian state as part of its process of territorial, identity and ideological definition. With the completion of the conquest, Sparta reaches the recognition as a model state for Greek political theorists because there is full identification between the political and military body, that is, between citizens and hoplites, who can devote themselves to the work deemed worthy (the management of public affairs and war) thanks to the existence of dependent masses who work the land owned by their masters.
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El presente trabajo se plantea mostrar cómo el discurso anticolonialista se abrió paso en la retórica de la Grecia antigua. En plena época clásica, dos discípulos de Gorgias, los oradores Alcidamante e Isócrates, tomaron parte activa en la polémica sobre la independencia de Mesenia, que los espartanos en todo momento reconocían como una conquista militar. Ambos autores alimentaron durante años una mutua crítica que tiene en la cuestión mesenia un episodio más. Desgraciadamente contamos con un discurso entero de Isócrates, el Arquídamo, frente a tan sólo tres breves fragmentos del Meseníaco de Alcidamante. Isócrates abundó en todo tipo de expedientes que justificaran el sometimiento de los mesenios a los espartanos, y para ello empleó en primer lugar la fuerza del mito, a la que unió la derivada de la acción militar y de otros argumentos nacidos del status quo. Alcidamante, en cambio, invoca argumentos cuyo origen puede rastrearse en la sofística, a partir de un pasaje del orador y ensayista Antifonte. La oposición política se plasma en el empleo de diferentes recursos conceptuales, cuya traslación al debate retórico intentamos reconstruir. Un fragmento del comediógrafo Filemón permite también apreciar la difusión de ideas que prenuncian ideales de filantropía y universalismo propios de la época helenística. ; This paper intends to reveal how the anti- colonial discourse found a particular place in the ancient Greek rhetoric. In the Classical Age, two disciples of Gorgias, the orators Alcidamas and Isocrates, took part in a debate about the independence of Messenia, recently conquered by Sparta. Both authors were critical of each other for many years, being the Messenian crisis an episode in their quarrel. A complete discourse of Isocrates, the Archidamus, survived, but unfortunately only three brief fragments of the Messeniac of Alcidamas did. Isocrates made use of all kind of arguments to justify the Spartan colonization of Messenia: first of all, the power of myth and, in second place, the military action, plus other topics taken from the status quo. Conversely, Alcidamas offered arguments taken from the sophists, like a passage from the orator and thinker Antiphon. The political opposition between both orators was expressed in the use of different conceptual tools so the attention will be focused on the devices used by each one in order to examine the adaptation of those elements to the rhetorical debate. A fragment taken from the comic author Philemon will be added in order to evaluate the reception of a number of ideas that pre- announced ideals of philanthropy and universalism typical of the Hellenistic Age.
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El presente trabajo se plantea mostrar cómo el discurso anticolonialista se abrió paso en la retórica de la Grecia antigua. En plena época clásica, dos discípulos de Gorgias, los oradores Alcidamante e Isócrates, tomaron parte activa en la polémica sobre la independencia de Mesenia, que los espartanos en todo momento reconocían como una conquista militar. Ambos autores alimentaron durante años una mutua crítica que tiene en la cuestión mesenia un episodio más. Desgraciadamente contamos con un discurso entero de Isócrates, el Arquídamo, frente a tan sólo tres breves fragmentos del Meseníaco de Alcidamante. Isócrates abundó en todo tipo de expedientes que justificaran el sometimiento de los mesenios a los espartanos, y para ello empleó en primer lugar la fuerza del mito, a la que unió la derivada de la acción militar y de otros argumentos nacidos del status quo. Alcidamante, en cambio, invoca argumentos cuyo origen puede rastrearse en la sofística, a partir de un pasaje del orador y ensayista Antifonte. La oposición política se plasma en el empleo de diferentes recursos conceptuales, cuya traslación al debate retórico intentamos reconstruir. Un fragmento del comediógrafo Filemón permite también apreciar la difusión de ideas que prenuncian ideales de filantropía y universalismo propios de la época helenística. ; This paper intends to reveal how the anti- colonial discourse found a particular place in the ancient Greek rhetoric. In the Classical Age, two disciples of Gorgias, the orators Alcidamas and Isocrates, took part in a debate about the independence of Messenia, recently conquered by Sparta. Both authors were critical of each other for many years, being the Messenian crisis an episode in their quarrel. A complete discourse of Isocrates, the Archidamus, survived, but unfortunately only three brief fragments of the Messeniac of Alcidamas did. Isocrates made use of all kind of arguments to justify the Spartan colonization of Messenia: first of all, the power of myth and, in second place, the military action, plus other topics taken from the status quo. Conversely, Alcidamas offered arguments taken from the sophists, like a passage from the orator and thinker Antiphon. The political opposition between both orators was expressed in the use of different conceptual tools so the attention will be focused on the devices used by each one in order to examine the adaptation of those elements to the rhetorical debate. A fragment taken from the comic author Philemon will be added in order to evaluate the reception of a number of ideas that pre- announced ideals of philanthropy and universalism typical of the Hellenistic Age.
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A byproduct of Theban hegemony and a check against Spartan revival, the new city state of Messenia was simultaneously a return to the past (pre Spartan hegemony) and the creation of something brand new (the wholesale construction of the city of Messene upon the introduction of Theban hegemony). In this sense, the new Messenian polity was an artificial construct, a supposed rebirth of a city state, through the lens of classical rebellions and the ethnic diaspora, resulting in a new and free Messenia (Alcock 1998, Ober 1985, Luraghi 2008). The historical narrative tied to Messenian resurrection (mainly through Pausanias and Diodorus, whereas Xenophon is notably silent on this) is ripe for analysis. Indeed, in recent years, Messenian and Helot identity have witnessed a revival of interest in their own right within the academic community (cf., in particular, Luraghi and Alcock 2003). Through examining the Messenian ethnogenesis (Luraghi 2012) in conjunction with the sociopolitical subtext of the construction of Messene itself, we might better understand how groups "buy in" to one version of "resurgence"—namely, how new political realities look to the past to establish precedent and normalcy in the face of seismic change. The new Messenia was no return of the same, but rather a reinvention, one contingent on new historical circumstance. In this sense, we might look beyond the foundation of Messene to its legacy and notions of sustainability, in that its creation was dependent on Theban support and the leadership of Epaminondas. With the end of Theban hegemony and the ascendancy of Macedon, Messenia, like most of Greece, lost substantial political independence. The adversarial relationship between Sparta and Messenia remained long into the Hellenistic and Roman period. By studying the continuity of this adversarial historical narrative, Messenia offers a unique parallel with resurgent cities in the modern era.
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[ES] Esta comunicación aborda el problema de la diáspora mesenia en diferentes momentos históricos como mecanismo básico en el desarrollo de una identidad mesenia. Esta identidad alcanzó una gran fuerza en la diáspora por la existencia de estructuras políticas desarrolladas por los mesenios, frente a la situación existente en Mesenia. No obstante, también se revisa la situación en Mesenia para argumentar a favor también de la existencia en ella de elementos de identidad, a pesar del dominio que ejercía Esparta sobre ese territorio; el elemento clave en este caso es el uso de esta identidad como elemento de resistencia a la sumisión. La fundación de Mesene por Epaminondas hay que verla como la confluencia de esas diversas identidades mesenias, las desarrolladas fuera de Mesenia y las que sin duda pervivían en la Mesenia ocupada. ; [EN] This paper approaches the issue of the messenian diaspora at different historical moments as a basic mechanism in the development of the messenian identity. This identity reached a great force in the diaspora thanks to the existence of political structures developed by the Messenians, as opposed to the existing situation in Messenia. However, also the situation in Messenia is reviewed to argue in favour of the existence in it of elements of identity, in spite of the dominion that exerted Esparta on that territory; the key element in this case is the use of this identity as an element of resistance against the submission. The foundation of Messene by Epaminondas can be seen as the joining together of those diverse messenian identities, those developed outside Mesenia and those that, undoubtely, survived in the occupied Messenia.
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В статье анализируется нападение Деметрия Фарского на Мессению. Древние авторы обвиняли македонского царя в подготовке государственного переворота и провокации массовых убийств в городе, а затем в организации похода Деметрия. Автор считает, что македонский царь Филипп V непричастен к этой авантюре. В результате проделанного автором исследования подробно изучен один из наиболее ярких эпизодов заключительного этапа существования эллинистической Греции и Македонии в контексте международных отношений этого времени в Греции и на Балканах в целом. Исследование построено на глубоком анализе письменных источников.This article analyzes the Demetrius`s attack on Messenia. Ancient historians blamed the Macedonian King to prepare a coup d '' état and the mass political killings in the city, and later in the campaign of Demetrius of Pharus. The author believes that the Macedonian King Philip V had nothing to this adventure. The results of this study the author studied in detail one of the most strikingepisodes of the final stage of the existence of Hellenistic Greece and Macedoniain the context of international relations this time in Greece and the Balkans in general. The research is based on a thorough analysis of the written sources.
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Messenia was one of the core areas of the Middle and Late Helladic culture in Greece. Based on a catalogue of 57 sites, which comprises about 240 tombs, their topographic situation, architectural design and the offerings found in them are analysed. This work provides a contribution to a better understanding of the social hierarchy and political changes in these phases of Greek prehistory.
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Messenia was one of the core areas of the Middle and Late Helladic culture in Greece. Based on a catalogue of 57 sites, which comprises about 240 tombs, their topographic situation, architectural design and the offerings found in them are analysed. This work provides a contribution to a better understanding of the social hierarchy and political changes in these phases of Greek prehistory. - Die Landschaft Messenien bildete eines der Kerngebiete der mittel- und späthelladischen Kultur Griechenlands. Ausgehend von einem Katalog von 57 Fundorten mit etwa 240 Grabanlagen werden die topographische Situation der Gräber, ihre architektonische Ausgestaltung und die Beigabeninventare analysiert. Dadurch bietet die Arbeit einen Beitrag zum besseren Verständnis der sozialen Hierarchie und der politischen Änderungen in dieser Phase der griechischen Geschichte.
Die Landschaft Messenien bildete eines der Kerngebiete der mittel- und späthelladischen Kultur Griechenlands. Ausgehend von einem Katalog von 57 Fundorten mit etwa 240 Grabanlagen werden die topographische Situation der Gräber, ihre architektonische Ausgestaltung und die Beigabeninventare analysiert. Dadurch bietet die Arbeit einen Beitrag zum besseren Verständnis der sozialen Hierarchie und der politischen Änderungen in dieser Phase der griechischen Geschichte. ; Messenia was one of the core areas of the Middle and Late Helladic culture in Greece. Based on a catalogue of 57 sites, which comprises about 240 tombs, their topographic situation, architectural design and the offerings found in them are analysed. This work provides a contribution to a better understanding of the social hierarchy and political changes in these phases of Greek prehistory.
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