Suchergebnisse

Did the social changes of 1989/90, both on the territory of the forrner Yugoslavia and the entire Eastern Europe, surprise political analysts? Or did the research in social sciences, particularly political science, sociology and psychology, perhaps supply enough material pointing to the possible changes as well as to the course they were going to take? In this work, the author gives a critical review of his studies conducted and published between 1980 and 1990 and, by hindsight, shows their relevance for understanding the recent radical and dramatic changes. Inevitably, the conclusion is that the author's research had pointed to the existence of all psychological conditions necessary for the events that followed. The long crisis, first economic and later political, gave rise to social unrest which soon turned into general agitation. (SOI : PM: S. 114)

As a democratic and economically developed country, whose interests are not any different from those of Western democratic states, the Republic of Croatia may be a decisive factor in the future processes of stabilization in the region. It occupies a very important place in the regional geopolitical structures and might influence the future development of the neighbouring countries and regions, especially through the continuation of democratic transition and the improvement of the relations with its neighbours. Hence the importance of its policies. Its future geopolitical initiatives regarding the stabilization and security of the region can be viewed in relation to their importance within global and regional geopolitical structures, to its participation in the processes of the fragmentation of South-East Europe, and to its geographical, cultural/religious, and historical/geopolitical environment. (SOI : PM: S. 172)

EU's agrarian policy has always been - and remains - a complex issue of the Unions overall economic policy. Although agrarian policy was at first central for the Union and served as a cohesive and integrating factor, in time it became a bone of contention, a source of conflicts and feuding within the Union. Solving the problem of agrarian policy on the eye of the third millennium is one of the Union's priorities. The problems of agricultural subsidies in the Union, its eastern expansion and the demands of the WTO, are far from being easy tasks. Besides, agrarian policy is not solely an economic matter, but also a social (particularly rural), ecological, cultural, and political problem. The problem of agriculture has always been considered a political problem and resolved as such. (SOI : PM: S. 70)

The author thinks that the American political and military initiative in Bosnia and Herzegovina has stopped the four year war and enhanced the American influence in the region. European Union has reacted to the latest developments by adopting a new regional approach towards the countries of southeastern Europe. This approach has been employed in relation to other European and Mediterranean regions outside EU as well (central and eastern Europe, the Baltic states, the Mediterranean countries, the Union of Independent States). EU's policy towards Croatia is extremely reserved. It has insisted on a set of preconditions being fulfilled by Croatia before the negotiations about Croatia's membership in this organization may even commence. Croatia wants to forge links with the EU and is willing to comply with its demands, but is highly sceptical of regional associations. (SOI: PM: S. 161)

The main objective of this paper is to determine the level of relevance of the economic development and the level of pollution of thirteen states that joined the European Union (EU) in the last three enlargement rounds (2004, 2007, and 2013), with the length of transitional periods, i.e. the number of regulations that have agreed transitional periods. The initial assumption is that the level of economic development of countries joining the EU and the level of pollution are affecting the length of transitional periods and the number of regulations that are agreed upon transitional periods. Accordingly, the paper points to the level of economic development (measured by GDP) and the level of pollution (emissions measured by CO2/pc and CO2/gdp). All the states are grouped into five regional groups (Mediterranean, Central Europe, the Baltics, South-East Europe and the member states of the former Yugoslavia) . Separate part of the paper analyzes in detail the types of regulations relating to the agreed transitional periods, and the number and length of transitional periods that are contracted by the states of the five groups. For the analysis we used the transitional periods in the field of energy, environment and transport, given their potential importance for CO2 emissions. The final part of the paper analyses perceived relevance between the level of economic development, levels of pollution, the length of transitional periods and the number of regulations that are agreed upon transitional periods.

Увођење општих знања о музици (теоријских и практичних) у програме основног и средњег образовања започето је у југословенским крајевима још крајем 19. века уз свест о њиховој значајној васпитној, развојној и етичкој улози. Такво схватање функције музичког образовања и васпитања одржало се и након Првог светског рата, с тим да је потреба за темељнијим приступом у овој области која се манифестовала кроз бројне законодавне и административне подухвате подстакла промишљање његових нових видова организовања и спровођења. О задацима, циљевима и формама музичког образовања и уједно наставе музике у југословенском друштву и његовом образовном систему дискутовало се опсежно у стручним круговима. У овом раду анализираћемо неке од кључних проблема који су се издвојили у расправама музичких стручњакаи педагога указујући на појединачне приступе њиховом тумачењу, те теоријској и/или практичној елаборацији. ; The insclusion of music in the curriculum of primary and secondary schools throughout regions of Kingdom of Serbia and Austria-Hungary (future territory of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia) started in the end of the 19th century. Already in that time, the belief that music had an important social, psychosocial and ethical role was spreaded among pedagogues and theoreticians. the same belif was even more accentuated after the First world war with the emphasis on modification of legislative regulations and bureacratical frames. At the same time, it provoked discussions on the posssibilities of new approaches to music education in primary and secondary schools. Among other things, music specialists debated on the concept and goals of music education in Yugoslav society. In this paper, we analysed some of the key issues that appeared in the discourse of music experts illuminating their diverse interpretations and theoretical and practical elaborations. Our focus was on articles and investigations of Serbian, Croat and Slovene experts such were Miloje Milojević, Antun Dobronić, Pavle Markovac and Dragotin Cvetko. ; Према књизи апстраката, зборник је резултат међународног научног скупа "Владо С. Милошевић : етномузиколог, композитор и педагог", одржаног у Бања Луци 12. и 13. априла 2013. године, у оквиру манифестације "Дани Владе С. Милошевића".

Projects on the establishment of world peace in the late Middle Ages were initially marked by religious views on the world. Christian church was the subject of war and peace and it did not make differences among peoples. It had universal aspirations. This dogmatic comprehension will be abandoned by the appearance of national states where the state becomes subject of war and peace. A division among nations appears and the possibility of their mutual recognition. In that way relations among states are being regulated from the point of view of international relations. His basic principle becomes the one of sovereign equality, this could happen after the termination of religious wars which got its peak by Westphalia peace. Starting from Dubois, Podjebrady, Penn, Duke of Silly, via Hobbes, Grotius end Puffendorf, it will be possible to determine how changes in society political systems and way of production influenced the developments of ideas on perpetual peace. The achievements of these thinkers were revolutionary and were still valid. It is worth mentioning the principles of sovereign equality of states, the presence of realism in international relations and the existence of judicial institutions such as the International Court of Justice.

This paper will assess the results of transition in the Yugoslav successor states using objective and subjective criteria. Four objective criteria related to economic growth will be used to compare economic performance in Yugoslavia and its successor states; 1. Speed of recovery after war/change in system, 2. Absolute growth rates, 3. Relative growth rates, 4. Place in world development. This will be supplemented by a survey of public opinion conducted by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development.All the four objective criteria show that the Yugoslav economy performed much better than the economies of its successor states. The survey shows that only 20 percent of population are happy with the results of transition in South Eastern European countries, while 64 percent are unhappy and 16 percent are undecided. In the former Yugoslavia much less than 20 percent of population are happy with the changes brought by the transition.

The author analyses political, philosophical, ethical and legal implications o the trial in which, in August of 1997, some former members of the Politburo of the United Socialist Party of the former Democratic Republic of Germany were sentenced to prison terms after they had been found guilty for the murders committed by the East German border patrols when trying to prevent people from fleeing to the West. The legal grounds for such a sentence is dubious, not only because it runs counter to the ban on the retroactive enforcement of legal provisions but also because it presupposes the universal validity of the western concept of human rights. If the intention was to react legally to what, from the Western point of view were unpardonable acts during the communist reign, then the most prominent representatives of that system should have been - in accordance with wartime law - treated as the enemies defeated in a (cold) war. (SOI : PM: S. 77)

The collapse of the communist systems has brought about the crisis of identity and the political efficacy of the left not solely in Eastern Europe but in the West as well. Due to this situation, the author claims, all the elements of the traditional leftist identity have come under scrutiny. This applies both to the political ingredients common to all leftist parties (the primacy of economy, rejection of private ownership and market, egalitarianism, collectivism and the theory of progress) as well as the elements which instigated irreconcilable differentiations within the left (internationalism vs. nationalism, parliamentary democracy, the attitude towards violence, reform vs. revolution). The author concludes that due to the complex structure of the problems facing leftist parties and other political protagonists as well, there is little possibility for the emergence of an all-embracing leftist political programme; instead, partial programme variations should be expected. (SOI : PM: S. 21)

The Paper observes the foundation and development of OSCE as the most important contemporary security organization from the perspective of historical and political dynamics and the interests of international subjects. Originally founded as Forum for the reduction of tensions between ideologically confronted East and West, OSCE (than: CSCE) has evolved into permanent security organization with diversified activities and jurisdictions. However, that evolution failed to be up to the new challenges, so the needs for further reforms of OSCE reemerged. Second part of the Paper follows the propositions of OSCE system reforms, made by its member states, by Panel (formed on Council of Ministers in Sofia, in December 2004) and by Russia that has even proposed 'Agreement of European security' as the basis for completely new remaking of European security out of the existing OSCE system. In the final part of the Paper, influences of contemporary political crises in OSCE member states on the possible reform of this security organization are being analyzed.

The dissolution of the great Soviet empire and the demise of the socialist system in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe has undoubtedly been one of the most significant political developments at the turn of the 20th century. Whether this has been brought about by international factors or has been the consequence of the internal cave-in of the system, has been the subject of numerous and extensive analyses. It is obvious that the geostrategic shifts and the completely altered position of the new state (the Russian Federation) have made it necessary to look into the political aspect of the problem. That Russia is not faced with an imminent threat from abroad is certainly an extraordinary change, unprecedented in the long Russian history. This particularly applies to the western Russian borders, which used to be almost continually threatened. Political relations that have been developing between Russia and the West, despite all the obstacles, have been improving and both sides demonstrate a willingness to continue with this trend. (SOI : PM: S. 167)

Mediterranean cooperation is dealt with in the context of the creation of the Euromediterranean zone. The European Union has been developing various modes of cooperation with non-member Mediterranean countries by signing association agreements or cooperation agreements. The new European states, created after the disintegration of former socialist federations demonstrate interest for the Mediterranean cooperation, though they tend to have different attitudes towards it. Their interest is solely based on the fact that the Mediterranean cooperation has not been standardized and that it has a poorly developed institutional framework. To these countries this enables and facilitates to tune in from time to time, when it suits their purposes. Regarding the role of the new states, the author distinguishes between two types of cooperation: (a) autonomous regional cooperation, which is not beneficial for the new states (e.g. those on the Balkans) and (b) occasional, specialized and dispersed cooperation which might attract the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. (SOI : PM: S. 176)

Yugoslav programme made Serbia eliminate the idea of Great Serbia. By the combination of subsequent events, Russia's withdrawal from the war, and political decisions, Versailles peace conference, such idea would be hardly achieved. Regarding Yugoslav programme 'The allies were not delighted too much about the perspective which would be borne by this plan achievement. They had not even been delighted by the idea of Habsburgs Monarchy overthrow so that they did not approve it until the middle of 1918'. Nevertheless, it may be concluded that the basis of the idea of Great Serbia in the warrior period 1914-1918 makes the 'Annexation of all those areas which were Serbian from ethnical point of view. Parts of Austria-Hungary (Bosnia and Herzegovina, part of southern Adriatic coast, part of Banat, Srem, Bačka, and Slavonia) were primarily in question; later on it is diminished only to Bosnia and Herzegovina and part of the coast, but it is enlarged by annexation of Montenegro'. By combination of historical events, and influence of public and secret centres of world power it was not realized; the creation called The Kingdom of Serbs Croats and Slovenians, that is The Kingdom of Yugoslavia later on was created, where disintegrative factors overcame integrative ones, and the idea of Great Serbia remained any further actual with some political forces inside Serbian people as the unification of all ethnical Serbian areas within Yugoslavia.