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In this paper it had been started from the question what was in diachronic included in the term Middle Europe, and why it was impossible to define it precisely in any sense. 'New Middle European Concept', actual in the 80s of the previous century, had also political background, but in his creation Middle European intellectuals had part in it, and it meant the fight for cultural unity of Middle European, for the recognition of their European identity. One of the first, and the most important supporter of this concept from Yugoslav area is Danilo Kish in whose literary oeuvre this virtual space is additionally mythologized. The research attention was directed to Kish's essay 'Variations on Middle European Themes', in which he had elaborated in a concise manner his comprehension of Middle Europe, Middle European culture, Middle European writer, and numerous interviews in which he had thoroughly been elaborating these attitudes. There the writer expresses his comprehension of fascism, and Stalinism, Ahasuerus, and Judaism as 'family happiness', nationalism of small peoples, inferiorities of their 'barbarian languages', and attitudes on ironic lyrisms, 'consciousness on form', and stateless people as basic poetic features of Middle European writers. Due to all mentioned, and some universal truths on the mentioned symbolic tops, this essay is rightfully considered as one of Kish's most important self-poetic texts.

International police and other cooperation is a necessity of the modern world and imperative for the survival of human civilization. The goal of cooperation is that states and the international community unite in opposing crime as the greatest peacetime evil in the world. This is particularly in relation to organized crime, terrorism, and corruption and other most serious forms of crime in contemporary society. Cooperation takes place at the bilateral, regional and multilateral levels. Bilateral cooperation mainly has a trans-border character of neighboring countries, while the regional cooperation between states within certain areas such as the SEE region (Western Balkan) or Europe (e.g. Europol). Multilateral cooperation is mainly on a broader level, e.g. in the field of combating terrorism or through universal organizations (e.g. Interpol). International police cooperation in Europe has a long tradition. One part takes place today in this area through the OSCE, with the caveat that this is a global organization that deals with security issues. The Council of Europe is the next organization through which co-operation began in the past and is partly carried out to this day, given that it brings all European countries together (except Belarus). Cooperation is more intensive still throughout the European Union, its forerunners, the current forms of the organization and present mechanisms (EAW- European surrender and arrest warrant).53 The cooperation in the EU, that takes place through Europol as a specialized agency of the Union is especially current, but with minimal operational competencies. In the SEE region, a significant cooperation between countries of the former Yugoslavia and countries in its neighborhood has been achieved. This cooperation is not only based on bilateral and multilateral acts, but primarily regional documents of which the most important are the International Convention on Police Cooperation in SEE and SELEC Convention. According to these and other acts, all the countries in the region have taken part in regional cooperation, since the fight against crime is the common interest of all. This applies in particular to organized crime, terrorism, corruption and other most serious forms of crime. Extremely important shapes, forms and mechanisms of international police cooperation are: exchange of information, joint investigation teams, joint operational actions, liaison officers, contact points, regional centers for police and customs cooperation, joint police stations and others. To recap, international police cooperation in the world today is an expression of anti-criminal solidarity between states and its prospects are clear, because the danger of crime is global and requires a harmonized response at the international level.

О дугорочном процесу византизације срп ске кул ту ре и умет но сти, који је у склопу сложених политичких односа на почетку XV века интензивиран, сведоче сачувани двојезични грчко-словенски музички рукописи. Ови примарни извори у реконструкцији појачке уметности Српске цркве у касном средњем веку, али и византијско-српских музичких веза, недвосмислено потврђују постојање праксе билингвалних богослужења у доба Деспотовине. Задуго уврежени ставови о времену настанка две неумске антологије: Лавра Е 108 и ЕВЕ 928, писарима који су у њиховом састављању узели удела, мелодима и напевима који су се у њима нашли, критички су у овом раду први пут сагледани. ; The long-term process of the byzantinization of Serbian culture and art, intensified in the framework of complex political relations at the beginning of the 15th century, is testified, among others, by the preserved bilingual Greek-Slаvonic musical manuscripts. As the primary sources in the reconstruction of the Serbian church chanting art in the late Middle Ages, but also the Byzantine-Serbian musical connections, the neum manuscripts unambiguously confirm the existence of the bilingual worship practice at the time of Despotovina Serbia. The long-held views on the dated two neum anthologies from the Great Lavra (E 108) and the National Library of Greece (EVE 928), their scribes, composers and songs in this paper are critically examined for the first time.

The financial crisis has adversely affected all the countries of the world in the conditions of globalization with different intensity, no matter if it is higher or lower level of development and different economic structures. In the context of globalization in the countries in transition, the banking system was reformed, thus creating a new financial market. The International Monetary Fund has taken an active part in the transition process of Eastern European countries by providing advice and approving financial arrangements. Developed countries of the world have implemented measures of non-standard monetary policy to overcome the global financial crisis. In some parts of Central and Eastern Europe, in addition to the general corporate identity (bank name, abbreviated name, trademark and slogan of the bank), the countries also applied qualitative features of the bank's corporate identity (image, reputation and goodwill). As they enter the 21st century, banks in developed countries are increasingly emphasizing the corporate culture and style of business of the bank. In the practice of banks, the following performances are most often present: financial, marketing, performance management, employee performance, business philosophy, reputation and the image of the bank. The banks' performance analysis included 13 Central and Eastern European countries divided into three groups. Performance over the period 2008-2018 is analyzed, related to: share of total assets in GDP, share of total loans in GDP, share of total deposit in GDP and level of capital adequacy of Central and Eastern European countries. The analysis shows that the central banks of the countries of Central Europe are dominant, and that in certain performances they are approached by the banks of the countries of Eastern Europe (members of the European Union and the Western Balkans). ; Finansijska kriza je negativno uticala na sve zemlje sveta u uslovima globalizacije sa različitim intezitetom, bez razlike da li se radi o višem ili nižem nivou razvijenosti i različitim privrednim strukturama. U uslovima globalizacije u zemljama u tranziciji izvršena je reforma bankarskog sistema i na taj način je započeto stvaranje novog finansijskog tržišta. Međunarodni monetarni fond uzeo je aktivno učešće u procesu tranzicije zemalja istočne Evrope pružanjem saveta i odobravanjem finansijskih aranžmana. Razvijene zemlje sveta su radi prevazilaženja svetske finansijske krize primenile mere nestandardne monetarne politike.Zemlje centralne i istočne Evrope su u određenom delu pored opšteg korporativnog identiteta (naziv banke, skraćenog imena, zaštitnog znaka i slogana banke) primenjivale i kvalitativna obeležja korporativnog identiteta (imidž, reputacije i gudvila) banke. Ulaskom u 21. vek banke razvijenih zemalja sve više stavljaju naglasak na korporativnu kulturu i stil poslovanja banke. U praksi banaka najčešće su prisutne sledeće performanse: finansijske, marketing, menadžment performanse, performanse zaposlenih, poslovne filozofije, ugleda, reputacije i imidža banke. Analiza performansi banaka obuhvatila je 13 zemalja centralne i istočne Evrope podeljenih u tri grupe. Analizirane su performanse u vremenskom periodu od 2008-2018. godine koje se odnose na: učešće ukupne aktive u BDP-u, učešće ukupnih kredita u BDP-u, učešće ukupnog depozita u BDP-u i nivo adekvatnosti kapitala zemalja centralne i istočne Evrope. Analiza pokazuje da su dominantne banke zemalja centralne Evrope, a da se njima u određenim performansama približavaju banke zemalja istočne Evrope (članice Evropske Unije i zapadnog Balkana).

The paper analyses the class basis of the civil society in Serbia in the period of post-socialist transformation. The analysis is based on data from several empirical studies implemented by the Institute for Sociological Research of the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade over the past twenty years, specifically in 1997, 2007 and 2012. The main objective of the analysis is to determine whether there is rootedness of civil society activities among the middle class. The basic hypothesis of the paper is that members of the middle class are the key actors of civil society in the entire period observed. Results of the analysis show that the members of the middle class have been holders of civil protests during the period of blocked transformation - almost the only phenomenal manifestation of the civil society in Serbia in the 1990s. On the other hand, research findings from 2007 and 2012 indicated a significant decline of civic activism among all social groups, and the decline was most marked precisely among the middle class. Although members of the middle class, compared with other social groups, were still more willing to engage in civic activities, data show that the differences between social classes were not especially marked, and therefore we can talk only conditionally about rootedness of civil society activities among the middle class.

У овом раду разматрали смо допринос дела функционера најзначајнијег професионалног удружења музичара у међуратној Југославији – Савеза музичара у Краљевини СХС Југославији, спровођењу словенске културне интеграције. Пратећи деловање групе окупљене око званичног гласила организације Jugoslavenski muzičar / Muzičar, у међународним оквирима, издвојили смо кључне подухвате који су покренути у периоду између 1923. и 1929. с циљем зближавања и интеркултурне размене са словенским музичарима и стручњацима. Резултати анализе видова и интензитета колаборације загребачких музичара с музичарима из словенских земаља посматрани су у компарацији с резултатима ранијих истраживања. Циљ тога био је да се размотри да ли су и у којој мери настојања ове групације кореспондирала са сродним тежњама других југословенских и словенских музичара, као и с доминантним ставовима и праксом политичке и интелектуалне елите с ових простора. ; Although many Slavic peoples were given long-awaited political independence after the Great War, it did not suppress their strivings to attain stronger cultural bonds and cultural integration that thrived throughout the 19th century. In the new geopolitical circuimstances, All-Slavism was mostly interpreted as a vehicle to actualize the potentials of Slavs to create cultural forms of universal value through a synthesis of opposing values of Western and Eastern civilizations. Despite the fact that its definitions varied significantly depending on the differences of ideological basis of individuals and groups that promoted it, the common ground represented a belief that Slavs shared the same worldviews, values and spiritual properties and that this similarity needed to be used as an emancipatory tool – for mutual cultual exchange, support, development, and progress. In interwar Yugoslavia of 1920s, All-Slavism was particularly promoted among musicians and music specialists. Among the numerous keen supporters were the representatives of the Association of Musicians of the Kingdom of SCS/Yugoslavia gathered around the periodical Jugoslavenski muzičar/Muzičar (Yugoslav musician). Led by Fran/Franjo Šidak and Jaroslav Šidak, this group contributed to the expansion of All-Slavic tendencies in the Yugoslav public and music spheres. From 1923 to 1929, these musicians settled in Zagreb initiated numerous activities aimed at developing collaboration with Slavic musicians around Europe. Unlike many like-minded groups in different Slavic countries of the time, Zagreb musicians created friendly relations with their Soviet colleagues, specifically with the leaders of the Всесоюзным профессиональным союзом работников искусств, ВСЕРАБИС (All-Soviet Professional Association of Art Workers). During the five years of extensive exchange with other Slavic musicians and specialist, they established fruitful correspondence and coperation with Bulgarian musicians, most of all with the high representatives of Bulgarian musical organizations. As a result of that, series of articles dealing with Bulgarian music history and musical life were published in Jugoslavenski muzičar/Muzičar together with detailed reports, while a number of essays of Yugoslav authors were reprinted in Bulgarian music journals. Results of the analysis of type and extent of collaboration between Zagreb and other Slavic musicians were compared with the results of previous researches. The aim of this paper was to consider whether the efforts of this group corresponded with the related tendencies of Yugoslav and Slavic musicians, as well as with the dominant views and practices of the Yugoslav political and intellectual elite.

Disertacija se bavi analizom spoljnopolitičkog delovanja Evropske unije prema Islamskoj Republici Iran, kako bi odgovorila na pitanje na koji način dominacija aktivnosti ključnih država članica (u prvom redu Velike Britanije1, Francuske i Nemačke) i njihovih nacionalnih političkih, bezbednosnih i ekonomskih interesa u odnosu sa Teheranom, utiču na razvoj Zajedničke spoljne i bezbednosne politike. Odsustvo jasno razvijenog strateškog razumevanja sopstvenih ciljeva, prioriteta i efektivne uloge Zajedničke spoljne i bezbednosne politike Evropske unije prikazano je kroz bilateralne odnose pomenutih ključnih država članica sa Islamskom Republikom Iran, čiji se značaj za evropske zemlje ogleda u njegovom geografskom položaju, regionalnoj ulozi, veličini i broju stanovnika, bogatstvu naftom i gasom. Analizirajući odnose Evropske unije sa Iranom, a posebno ključne momente u bilateralnim odnosima Velike Britanije, Francuske i Nemačke sa iranskom državom – koji determinišu domete njihove sadržajne saradnje – autor zaključuje da se proklamovane vrednosti i normativni ciljevi Unije prelamaju kroz prizmu nacionalnih interesa navedenih vodećih članica, time ograničavajući jedinstven strateški pristup Zajedničke spoljne i bezbednosne politike u odnosu na Iran. Unija se u svojoj politici prema Teheranu kretala po sinusoidnoj liniji, koristeći jačanje političkih i ekonomskih veza, ali i uvodeći oštre sankcije, kaznene mere i pretnje. Politika uslovljavanja, koja je formalno bila zasnovana na dvostrukom koloseku ("štapa i šargarepe") zapravo je u glavnim odrednicama pratila politiku transatlantskog saveznika, svodeći se u svojoj suštini na politiku zastrašivanja, obuzdavanja i konfrontacije teokratskom režimu u Teheranu. Kroz opis i objašnjenje uloge ključnih država članica Evropske unije u regionu Bliskog istoka pre formiranja Islamske Republike Iran, preko Islamske revolucije, Iransko-iračkog rata, evropske politike konstruktivnog i uslovljavanog angažovanja Teherana, sve do politike dvostrukih standarda u pregovorima oko ...

Već više od dve godine traje velika pan-evropska debata o Budućnosti evropske socijal-demokratije (2009-2011) kao pokušaj odgovora na izazove globalne krize, ali i na duboku i dugotrajnu krizu same socijal-demokratije. Dok su tokom 2000. godine socijal-demokrati bila na vlasti u većini evropskih zemalja (11 od 15 članica EU ), danas vladaju u samo nekoliko perifernih zemalja Evrope (4 od 27 članica EU u 2011). Iako u nekoliko velikih zemalja još uvek privlače 20-30% birača, odnosno poseduju koalicioni kapacitet i za osvajanje vlasti, ipak je marginalizacija ključni trend. U traganju za vlastitim identitetom, novom paradigmom, pan-evropska debata problematizuje ključne teme i izazove naše civilizacije, kao što su globalizacija, logika kapitalizma i njegove moguće reforme, smisao i značaj Evropske Unije. Ova debata ponovo vraća u javni diskurs i niz ključnih koncepata na kojima se gradi zamisao o 'dobrom društvu', kao što su društvene vrednosti, kultura, značaj srednje klase i ekološka i socijalna održivost. ; We are in the third year of the pan-european debate on the future of European Social Democracy (ESD). It is a response to the challenges of the global economic crisis, but also a response to the deep internal crisis within the ESD. While the social democrats were in power in the majority of European countries in the year 2000 (11 of 15 EU members), they are rulling parties in only few peripheral countries in 2011 (4 of 27 EU countries). Althouth they are still able to attact 20-30% of voters, and with toghether with their partners are even able to form goverments in some countries, their margananalization is a major trend. This is not only because of electoral defeats, but it is due to membership decline, shaken ties with trade unions, lack of an alternative program in a situation when neoliberalism is shaken and political actors have searching for new formulae. In a search of their own identity, new paradigm and attractive program, pan-european debate critically analyze key issues and challenges of our civilization, such as globalization, nature of capitalism and its possible reforms, meaning and importance of the EU , the role of government regarding markets. This debate has brouth back into public discourse many important concepts that constitute the idea of 'good society,' such as social values (equailty, solidarity, social justice), buth also importance of culture, middle class, and social and environmental sustainability.

Истраживања миграција представљају приоритет, јер отварају актуелне проблеме и питања која чине неизоставни део свакодневицa, политика, стратегија, конфликата, кретања и мобилности људи у свету. Када је наука спремна на таква сучељавања, тада истраживања добијају довољно маневар ског простора за аналитичко расветљавање и сагледавање са свих страна. Непрегледни свет миграција подстиче науку на моблност и истраживачку приправност овде – сада ‒ свуда. Проучавања миграција поседују перманент ну актуелност и динамику, јер нису изолована од микро- и макрополитика и економија, те друштвених и културних процеса. ; Migration studies appear as a priority as they discuss the current problems and issues that inevitably are part of everyday life, policies, strategies, conflicts, movement and mobility of people around the globe. When such debates become scientific topics, then migration as an occurrence can be studied through multiple perspectives and overviews. The vast world of migration urges science and research towards mobility and research preparedness here - now - everywhere. Migration studies are always actual and dynamic, being a part of micro and macro politics and economics, social and cultural processes. ; Тема броја: Истраживање миграција (ур. Мирослава Лукић Крстановић и Петко Христов) / Topic of the Issue: Research of Migrations (eds. Miroslava Lukić Krstanović and Petko Hristov)

Urban shrinkage is a process that many European countries have been facing in recent decades. It had started in highly developed regions at the time of deindustrialisation, but since the 1990s, this process has also affected Central, Eastern and South-eastern Europe, with different patterns and dynamics of urban shrinkage. The political and economic crisis in Serbia during the 1990s, as well as the transition from a centrally governed and urban-based industrialisation to a neoliberal market economy, has brought significant changes in the development of cities, which faced declining demographic and economic vitality. This paper is focused on the analysis of the intensity and dynamics of demographic and economic aspects of urban shrinkage in Serbia and on classification of cities according to the different phases of urban shrinkage. Typological classification was performed using the K-means clustering algorithm. The cluster analysis is based on the use of relevant demographic and socio-economic indicators, for the period from 2002 to 2011. After identifying cities that recorded an increase in total population and relatively stable economic development, three types of shrinking cities were determined according to the intensity of demographic and economic shrinkage - cities with low, medium and high shrinkage intensity. The analysis of the main patterns and factors that influenced the different levels of urban shrinkage enabled a better understanding of this phenomenon in Serbia. The results indicate the heterogeneity of urban space due to different levels of demographic and economic shrinkage, thus it can serve as a starting point for future research of uneven urban development in Serbia. ; Опадање градова (енг. urban shrinkage) је процес са којим се последњих деценија суочавају многе земље у Европи и свету. Започет у високоразвијеним регионима у време деиндустријализације, овај процес је од 1990-их година интензивиран у постсоцијалистичким земљама Европе, у којима је испољио различите просторне обрасце и динамику. ...

The main objective of this paper is to determine the level of relevance of the economic development and the level of pollution of thirteen states that joined the European Union (EU) in the last three enlargement rounds (2004, 2007, and 2013), with the length of transitional periods, i.e. the number of regulations that have agreed transitional periods. The initial assumption is that the level of economic development of countries joining the EU and the level of pollution are affecting the length of transitional periods and the number of regulations that are agreed upon transitional periods. Accordingly, the paper points to the level of economic development (measured by GDP) and the level of pollution (emissions measured by CO2/pc and CO2/gdp). All the states are grouped into five regional groups (Mediterranean, Central Europe, the Baltics, South-East Europe and the member states of the former Yugoslavia) . Separate part of the paper analyzes in detail the types of regulations relating to the agreed transitional periods, and the number and length of transitional periods that are contracted by the states of the five groups. For the analysis we used the transitional periods in the field of energy, environment and transport, given their potential importance for CO2 emissions. The final part of the paper analyses perceived relevance between the level of economic development, levels of pollution, the length of transitional periods and the number of regulations that are agreed upon transitional periods.

Projects on the establishment of world peace in the late Middle Ages were initially marked by religious views on the world. Christian church was the subject of war and peace and it did not make differences among peoples. It had universal aspirations. This dogmatic comprehension will be abandoned by the appearance of national states where the state becomes subject of war and peace. A division among nations appears and the possibility of their mutual recognition. In that way relations among states are being regulated from the point of view of international relations. His basic principle becomes the one of sovereign equality, this could happen after the termination of religious wars which got its peak by Westphalia peace. Starting from Dubois, Podjebrady, Penn, Duke of Silly, via Hobbes, Grotius end Puffendorf, it will be possible to determine how changes in society political systems and way of production influenced the developments of ideas on perpetual peace. The achievements of these thinkers were revolutionary and were still valid. It is worth mentioning the principles of sovereign equality of states, the presence of realism in international relations and the existence of judicial institutions such as the International Court of Justice.

Увођење општих знања о музици (теоријских и практичних) у програме основног и средњег образовања започето је у југословенским крајевима још крајем 19. века уз свест о њиховој значајној васпитној, развојној и етичкој улози. Такво схватање функције музичког образовања и васпитања одржало се и након Првог светског рата, с тим да је потреба за темељнијим приступом у овој области која се манифестовала кроз бројне законодавне и административне подухвате подстакла промишљање његових нових видова организовања и спровођења. О задацима, циљевима и формама музичког образовања и уједно наставе музике у југословенском друштву и његовом образовном систему дискутовало се опсежно у стручним круговима. У овом раду анализираћемо неке од кључних проблема који су се издвојили у расправама музичких стручњакаи педагога указујући на појединачне приступе њиховом тумачењу, те теоријској и/или практичној елаборацији. ; The insclusion of music in the curriculum of primary and secondary schools throughout regions of Kingdom of Serbia and Austria-Hungary (future territory of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia) started in the end of the 19th century. Already in that time, the belief that music had an important social, psychosocial and ethical role was spreaded among pedagogues and theoreticians. the same belif was even more accentuated after the First world war with the emphasis on modification of legislative regulations and bureacratical frames. At the same time, it provoked discussions on the posssibilities of new approaches to music education in primary and secondary schools. Among other things, music specialists debated on the concept and goals of music education in Yugoslav society. In this paper, we analysed some of the key issues that appeared in the discourse of music experts illuminating their diverse interpretations and theoretical and practical elaborations. Our focus was on articles and investigations of Serbian, Croat and Slovene experts such were Miloje Milojević, Antun Dobronić, Pavle Markovac and Dragotin Cvetko. ; Према књизи апстраката, зборник је резултат међународног научног скупа "Владо С. Милошевић : етномузиколог, композитор и педагог", одржаног у Бања Луци 12. и 13. априла 2013. године, у оквиру манифестације "Дани Владе С. Милошевића".

This paper will assess the results of transition in the Yugoslav successor states using objective and subjective criteria. Four objective criteria related to economic growth will be used to compare economic performance in Yugoslavia and its successor states; 1. Speed of recovery after war/change in system, 2. Absolute growth rates, 3. Relative growth rates, 4. Place in world development. This will be supplemented by a survey of public opinion conducted by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development.All the four objective criteria show that the Yugoslav economy performed much better than the economies of its successor states. The survey shows that only 20 percent of population are happy with the results of transition in South Eastern European countries, while 64 percent are unhappy and 16 percent are undecided. In the former Yugoslavia much less than 20 percent of population are happy with the changes brought by the transition.

The Paper observes the foundation and development of OSCE as the most important contemporary security organization from the perspective of historical and political dynamics and the interests of international subjects. Originally founded as Forum for the reduction of tensions between ideologically confronted East and West, OSCE (than: CSCE) has evolved into permanent security organization with diversified activities and jurisdictions. However, that evolution failed to be up to the new challenges, so the needs for further reforms of OSCE reemerged. Second part of the Paper follows the propositions of OSCE system reforms, made by its member states, by Panel (formed on Council of Ministers in Sofia, in December 2004) and by Russia that has even proposed 'Agreement of European security' as the basis for completely new remaking of European security out of the existing OSCE system. In the final part of the Paper, influences of contemporary political crises in OSCE member states on the possible reform of this security organization are being analyzed.