The large-scale international movement of manpower is one of the most dramatic effects of the oil price increase and related events of 1973. The issues raised by migration in the Middle East have not received the attention they deserve from political analysts, economists, or area specialists. Yet the economic development of the Arab region is critically tied to manpower requirements; many of the bottlenecks and constraints on economic growth stem directly from the flow of labor across national borders. So, too, labor migration is changing the political demography of the region, shaping the parameters for political and social conflict in the years to come. This paper places contemporary migration in the Middle East in its historical context and then reviews the transformations in migration over the past ten years. It seeks to trace the evolution of migration processes. The basic, guiding proposition is that the "reality" has changed. The challenge lies in delineating these transformations and identifying the various flows and sequences in the evolution of the migration process.
Invitation to the Institute of Politics and Government Annual Salute to Politics Dinner which includes the program in honor of George Fisher's twenty-fifth anniversary as an editorial cartoonist. Includes a gallery of guests, caricatured by George Fisher; a brief description of Fisher's contributions; and a brief description and purpose of the Institute of Politics and Government.
Government's ever-increasing participation in communication processes, Mark Yudof argues, threatens key democratic values that the First Amendment was designed to protect. Government control over the exchange of ideas and information would be inconsistent with citizen autonomy, informed consent, and a balanced and mutually responsive relationship between citizens and their government. Yet the danger of government dominance must be weighed against the necessary role of government in furthering democratic values by proposing and promotion policies and by disseminating information and educating citizens. Restraints on government's ability to control communications processes are desirable, but excessive or inappropriate restrictions threaten democracy. Professor Yudof identifies a number of formal and informal checks on government as disseminator, withholder, and controller of ideas and information. Where more controls are needed, the strengthening of pluralism and legislative oversight is generally the answer. Constitutional redress in the courts should be sought only in extreme instances, he cautions, to avoid judicial interference with legitimate policy objectives.
The 'middle classes' are at the centre of today's political debates. Jean Royer's candidacy in the 1974 presidential election was aimed at them, 'the heart of France' (cf. Bellaiche et al., 1975). Valéry Giscard d'Estaing appealed to them at the beginning of his term of office, praising in Démocratie Française 'the great central group' destined to lead France towards 'the advanced liberal democratic society' (69). Just before the 1978 legislative elections, several middle-class movements sprang up, sponsored by Giscardiens and Gaullists hoping to prevent a Left victory. At the same time the Communist Party was trying to align, if not senior business managers, then at least the 'intermediate salaried strata' alongside the working class in the Union du Peuple de France (77, 71), while the Socialist Party was urging them to join its Front de classe (57, 76). Among the innumerable books and articles that have been written about the middle classes in France, we have selected only a few major works in order to review the political choices of the social categories that supposedly belong to these classes. [Article's first paragraph]
The 'middle classes' are at the centre of today's political debates. Jean Royer's candidacy in the 1974 presidential election was aimed at them, 'the heart of France' (cf. Bellaiche et al., 1975). Valéry Giscard d'Estaing appealed to them at the beginning of his term of office, praising in Démocratie Française 'the great central group' destined to lead France towards 'the advanced liberal democratic society' (69). Just before the 1978 legislative elections, several middle-class movements sprang up, sponsored by Giscardiens and Gaullists hoping to prevent a Left victory. At the same time the Communist Party was trying to align, if not senior business managers, then at least the 'intermediate salaried strata' alongside the working class in the Union du Peuple de France (77, 71), while the Socialist Party was urging them to join its Front de classe (57, 76). Among the innumerable books and articles that have been written about the middle classes in France, we have selected only a few major works in order to review the political choices of the social categories that supposedly belong to these classes. [Article's first paragraph]
The pronouncement of the Eisenhower Doctrine in 1957 was the first major American official policy announcement and acceptance of responsibility in the Middle East. Prior to 1957, Great Britain, France, and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics had been decisive factors in the political and economic life of that part of the world. The purpose of this study is, first of all, to explain briefly the major events leading to the formulation of the Eisenhower Doctrine, and secondly, to evaluate the Doctrine by using a selected number of opinions expressed in the press by a number of critics, government officials, members of the Congress , news papermen, political analysts, and others. The opinions expressed in the press and the reactions of the governments involved are mostly given in a chronologic al order. A few books and documents are used for the purpose of providing the background information pertaining to the Doctrine. This study concentrates on the period from January 5, 1957, the day President Dwight D. Eisenhower introduced the Doctrine to a joint session of the Congress, to January 20, 1961, the terminating date of the Eisenhower Administration.
This paper describes the recent trends in migration throughout the Middle East, identifying the major implications of this movement, and isolating the critical policy issues for both Egypt and other Arab states. The author argues that international migration in the Middle East harbors political and economic effects that may be potentially explosive. It is demonstrated that current migration related policies may be counter-productive for all parties concerned. This paper highlights the emergence of new issues in Middle East politics without attempting a detailed analysis of their many facets.
The conflict in the Middle East is a turbulent situation of great significance to the entire world. This study examines the internal political scene of Israel and its affect on the overall Middle East situation. It focuses on ideology, structure, and policy within Israel as components of that scene. The ideology of Zionism provided the justification for the creation of Israel and continues to form the basis for governmental decision making there. An analysis of the principles of Zionism and of the statements, writings, and actions of Zionist leaders showed that the ideology could reasonably be interpreted as racist and expansionist. More important than the ideas of Zionism is the actual implementation of those ideas through government policy. Israeli policy in regard to citizenship, immigration, security, economics, labor, land, and political representation is examined. Important characteristics of Israel's economy are its dependence on foreign capital and assistance and its continuing attempts to attain self-sufficiency. The study shows clearly that discrimination against Arabs and Jews of Asian and African descent living in Israel is widespread and that the rights, benefits, and opportunities for these groups are not equal to those of European and American Jewish immigrants. More significantly, it is indicates that government policy is partly responsible for these inequalities. and has worked to place Western Jews in a superior position in Israeli society. Another part of Israel's implementation of Zionism has been its action concerning Jewish control of land. From the time of early Jewish immigration to the present, Zionists have attempted to increase the territory inhabited and controlled by Jews. The methods used to accomplish this have included purchase, acquisition of abandoned land, expropriation of inhabited land through expropriation and force, and military invasion of other nations. Israeli expansionism is related to the Zionist principles that Jews should establish a state with boundaries similar to those of ancient Israel and that all Jews should be gathered into that state. Adherence to these ideas requires territorial expansion and Israeli policy has clearly shown expansionist tendencies. One of the most significant determinants of policy in any country is political structure. In Israel, structure is dominated by political parties. Israel is a multi-party, parliamentary system in which no party has ever gained a majority in the legislature. Rule by coalition has meant that major policy changes have been difficult to achieve. The Labor Party and its views dominated Israel for thirty years, tempered by the need for negotiations with and concessions to the other parties. In Israel's centralized structure, local government, interest groups, and public opinion are relatively insignificant. In a system with these characteristics and Israel's strong ideological commitment, it could be anticipated that a high degree of policy consistency would exist. This has proven to be true in Israel. Although Begin's Likud government has a different public position on major issues and uses stronger rhetoric, the substance of its actions are similar. It has returned the same land Labor was willing to return and has generally followed Labor's plans for establishing settlements in the occupied territories. Israel's system of multiple parties, parliamentary government, rule by coalition, and centralized government makes policy consistency a significant feature of its politics. Also contributing to this policy inertia is the nature of leadership in Israel. The structural features mentioned above, the superior position of Western Jews, the historical necessity for Jews to operate secretly, and the limited access to important information in Israeli society have created an elitist system of leadership. The characteristics and views of this elite, and in fact the specific individuals in the elite group, have not changed much in Israel's history. The ideology of Zionism and the translation of its principles into social structure and government policy has had a tremendous impact on the conflict in the Middle East. It has worked against the creation of good relations between people, cultures, and nations there and prevents a lasting solution to the Palestinian question. Israel can not grant equal rights to Arabs within its borders without compromising Jewish control and it can not allow Palestinian self-determination withou giving up territory it needs to accomodate more Jewish immigration to Israel. The country's political structure and the nature of its leadership have contributed to its policy consistency and make major changes unlikely in the future. The most successful force in creating any policy change has been external pressures, particularly from the United States. This is most dramatically illustrated by the Camp David Accords which were a direct result of U.S. mediation efforts. However, Camp David did not succeed in extracting major concessions from Israel or in setting adequate groundwork for a solution to the Palestinian problem. Flexibility on policy questions by Israel is necessary to achieve a fair and permanent solution to Middle East problems. The ideology of Zionism, Israel's political system, and its elite leadership severely restrict Israel's ability to be flexible. Internal change in Israel is a necessary ingredient in the achievement of Middle East peace and stability.
Popular views of the Middle East tend to concentrate on the cultural homogeneity of the Arab states, their conflict with Israel, and the dispute over petroleum prices. Yet in recent years a new issue has emerged that may well dominate regional politics in the years to come, giving rise to problems with both economic and political ramifications. That issue is the increased migration of Egyptian workers—skilled and unskilled—to other Arab states and their importance to development program and plans for social change. The volume of this migration and its consequences for regional politics are only dimly foreseen. Indeed, the very magnitude of that movement is itself in question, given the paucity of recorded data, conflicting reports, and political incentives for inaccurate representation. But there is every indication that it transcends narrow demographic concerns and will exert a powerful influence on relations among the Arab countries.
This east facing view of Brasilia was photographed from the TV Tower. This photograph illustrates the layout of the city, which was planned in the shape of a bird. At the center of the photograph is the National Congress Building, with it's twin office towers and semi-sphere chambers for the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. The Monumental Axis, the main street of Brasilia, runs in two parallel avenues through the center of the photograph. On each side are a series of identical structures designed to house the various ministries of the government. All these structures were designed by Oscar Niemeyer and the city layout was planned by Lucio Costa. ; https://digitalcommons.ric.edu/smolski_images/1489/thumbnail.jpg
