Suchergebnisse

Local self-government units are key cells of every country's development, pervading deeply needs and interests of local community members, the citizens of a state, who are considered to be the key factor in survival and development of a community. No successful democratic society can be achieved without a good and effi cient local self-government. For that reason, a special attention needs to be brought to the issue of local self-government units. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, there is a fragmented system of local self-governmentmunits at entity level, with a very low degree of mutual cooperation, which greatly complicates and hinders the functioning of local self-government units at the state level. There is no unity in regulation and compliance of local self-government units functioning, at the state level, with the European Charter of Local Self-Government, or the documents of the Council of Europe, which is at odds with the aspirations of our country in the process of Euro-Atlantic integration with the rest of Europe.

Са политичким преокретом 2000. године у Србији отпочео је истовемено и процес идеолошког преобликовања јавних простора. Међу најпроминентнијим видовима оваквог деловања је именовање или преименовање урбаног простора, првенствено улица и тргова, те бављење постојећим споменицима и меморијалима, као и градња и планирање нових. Овакви су случајеви посебно били уочљиви у Београду. Њима су се у неколико наврата супротставиле одређене политичке партије, те неполитичке групе које су организовале уличне акције 'против-именовања' београдских улица, те кампање против новопланираних јавних споменика. Односи моћи и идентитетске политике у овим случајевима биће коментарисани у овом раду. Пропратиће се праксе неколико уметничких и политичких скупина које су спровеле акције и перформансе незваничног преименовања улица, или су пак дискутовале и противиле се подизању новопредложених споменика. (Пре)именовањем одређених градских простора, хегемонске политичке коалиције покушавају да конституишу сигнификантна симболичка места, док, са друге стране, опозиционе противакције покушавају да преузму та иста места и да их реинтерпретирају. У овом ће се раду покушати да прикажу и анализирају поједине идеолошке политике и званични дискурси сећања, те поједине уметничке и политичке контраполитике и опозиционе праксе алтернативне комеморације ; With the onset of political overturn in Serbia in 2000, the process of the ideological reconfiguration of public places was simultaneously being put in motion. One of the most promi- nent means of this endeavor was naming and renaming of urban space, primarily of streets and squares, but also treatment of existing memorial sites and monuments and commissioning and erection of new ones. These undertakings were especially prominent in Serbia's capital Belgrade. Such processes were opposed several times by certain political parties and groups which organized street-actions of counter-naming of Belgrade's thoroughfares and campaigns against newly designated public monuments, and power-play and identity politics of such proceedings will be commented on here. This paper will discuss practices of several artistic and political groups which carried out unofficial street-renaming actions and performances, or discussed and opposed proposed new memorials. By (re)naming certain urban spaces, hegemonic political coalitions are trying to construct significant symbolic places, while oppositional counter-actions are seeking to overtake those same places and reinterpret them. This paper will attempt to sum up and inquire into the ideological politics of official memory discourses and artistic and political counter-politics and actions of opposition or alternative commemoration.

The paper emphasizes the most important global problems in the field of the environmental protection in the context of the debate about the importance of the participation of the local self-governments in addressing those. The paper points out to the fact that the Republic of Serbia harmonized the national environmental legislation with the EU legislation as a part of the European Integration process of the Republic of Serbia. This process included the transfer of a significant part of the work in the environmental field (including activities related to global environmental issues) to be carried out by the local self-government. These are the following issues: climate change, protection of the biodiversity, forest resources management, sustainable use and management of water resources, waste management. This paper identifies how the RS regulations transferred jurisdiction on environmental responsibilities to the local self-government. The paper also refers to the national regulations in the field of the environment in which the local self-government has been made competent for the activities related to the global environmental problems and the question of the capacity of the local self-government to implement these regulations.

In this paper it had been started from the question what was in diachronic included in the term Middle Europe, and why it was impossible to define it precisely in any sense. 'New Middle European Concept', actual in the 80s of the previous century, had also political background, but in his creation Middle European intellectuals had part in it, and it meant the fight for cultural unity of Middle European, for the recognition of their European identity. One of the first, and the most important supporter of this concept from Yugoslav area is Danilo Kish in whose literary oeuvre this virtual space is additionally mythologized. The research attention was directed to Kish's essay 'Variations on Middle European Themes', in which he had elaborated in a concise manner his comprehension of Middle Europe, Middle European culture, Middle European writer, and numerous interviews in which he had thoroughly been elaborating these attitudes. There the writer expresses his comprehension of fascism, and Stalinism, Ahasuerus, and Judaism as 'family happiness', nationalism of small peoples, inferiorities of their 'barbarian languages', and attitudes on ironic lyrisms, 'consciousness on form', and stateless people as basic poetic features of Middle European writers. Due to all mentioned, and some universal truths on the mentioned symbolic tops, this essay is rightfully considered as one of Kish's most important self-poetic texts.

Demokratski optimizam devedestih godina prošlog veka zamenjuje osobita forma javnog razočarenja u demokratiju. Kriza demokratije praćena institucionalnim deficitima, konfuzijom, niskim stepenom upravljačke sposobnosti da se rešavaju pitanja siromaštva, nezaposlenosti, imigracije, korupcije, simptomi su ovoga stanja. Globalni val populizma najizoštreniji je izraz ove političke patologije. Početak novoga veka rađa uzlet otvorenog neprijateljstva prema demokratiji. Deskriptivni pristupi oslonjeni na proceduralnu dimenziju režima moći ("hibridni režimi", "ograničena demokratija" "iliberalna demokratija", "kompetitivni autoritarizam" ) pokazuju se nedostatnim. U ovome radu autor se vraća klasičnom konceptu "despotizma" i pokazuje normative i teorisjke prednosti ovoga koncepta ("novi despotizam") u analizi novoga režima moći koji izrasta na pretpostvkama sve šireg nepoverenja u demokratske instituciije. ; The democratic optimism of the 1990s has been replaced by a particular form of public disillusionment with democracy. The crisis of democracy, accompanied by institutional deficits, confusion, low levels of management capacity to tackle poverty, unemployment, immigration, corruption, are symptoms of this condition. The global wave of populism is the sharpest expression of this political pathology. The beginning of the new century has given birth to an open hostility to democracy. Descriptive approaches based on the procedural dimension of the regime of power ("hybrid regimes", "limited democracy", "liberal democracy", "competitive authoritarianism") are proving insufficient to capture the new political system. In this paper, the author returns to the classical concept of "despotism" and shows the normative and theoretical advantages of this concept ("new despotism") in the analysis of a new regime of power that grows on the premise of growing distrust of democratic institutions.

Local government is a complex system of management (Holding Company) that directly provides various services to the local community or operates a service delivery system, of a "higher" managerial (political, economic, social) level. The services provided in local government are very numerous and different in character. In this multitude of services, utilities can be considered as the local government services in the narrow sense. Utilities are services provided by local governments that meet the needs and interests of citizens and organizations. All utilities are, in fact, activities providing utilities, that is, services provided by local governments, through their bodies, organizations and services. The actions that implement these utilities are expertly technical actions and procedures, but what precedes the undertaking of these utilities is determined by the General Administrative Procedures Act (GAPA). Therefore, the provision of public utilities has its own expert and technical aspect, as well as administrative, which accompanies it before, during and after, in terms of utility services management. The optimization of administrative procedures has become an important goal of administrative reform in many countries and involves a number of measures. What is primary is determining administrative costs and burdens, which are a significant barrier to business as well as meeting citizens' daily needs. After enlisting of the administrative procedures, it is necessary to analyze and then optimize the administrative procedures related to communal services, in order to determine which procedures need to be simplified and which should be abolished. After the analysis has been carried out, the proposal will be prepared for the amendment, or simplification of administrative procedures, as well as the eventual abolition of those that are unnecessary. ; Published

Reč je o pokušaju da se prepoznaju i objasne izvori onih društvenih procesa, političkih sila, kulturnih obrazaca i istorijskog nasleđa koji doprinose oblikovanju i praktikovanju srpske dezintegrativne misli i delovanja, čiji jedan tok izražava srpska samomržnja. U okolnostima razbijanja jugoslovenske države, deo srpske intelektualne i političke javnosti preuzimao je i stvarao stereotipe o sopstvenoj naciji, širio stigmatizovanu, ružnu sliku o Srbima, podupirao sumnju u vrednosti srpske nacije i gazio kolektivno dostojanstvo naroda.

Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Saint Vitus' Day Constitution

"I rat je definitivno počeo 9. marta 1991, kada su Trg slobode i Terazije proključali pobunom protiv prošlosti i bivših ljudi, kada su najmlađe, najpametnije i najskuplje glave zemlje Srbije zatražile da one vode Srbiju, kada su kazale da hoće svoju budućnost i sudbinu u svoje ruke. Tada je pala presuda da se Trg slobode i Terazije moraju prorediti, oinvaliditi." Vuk Drašković na prvu godišnjicu 9. marta 1991.