Suchergebnisse

The last elections in Brazil have shown a growing participation of evangelicals in the political scenario and a majority identification with right-wing governments. A representative mark of this behavior occurred in the expressive support given to the presidential election of Bolsonaro and in the occupation of several positions in the exercise of his government. The article presents the historical trajectory of evangelical behavior in the political sphere and also the factors that historically configure theimagery of this religious segment, guiding its approaches to the right. Priority is given to the conceptual notion of "imaginary", as used by the so-called new political history. As sources of analysis, in addition to bibliographic texts, audiovisual resources, social media and lyrics from the Brazilian evangelical universe are used.

This article discusses artistic work, based on the concepts of self-invention and governmentality analyzed by Foucault, Veyne and Bennett. Life, in liberal rationalities, is understood as a field of government and as a capital. Artists invest their lives, perceptions and feelings in their artworks. Such interest, however, may conduct to identity politics. To avoid the fragmentation of the cultural field, the arts must be considered in their power relations and historical contingencies; understood as public and common goods that manifest more than mere capital but human power of invention. However, the transformation of cultural habits is a long-term task that involves the State, the private initiative and civil society. ; O artigo discorre sobre o trabalho artístico a partir dos conceitos de invenção de si e governamentalidade, analisados por Foucault, Veyne e Bennett. Nas racionalidades liberais, a vida é tomada como campo de governo e como capital. O artista investe sua vida, suas percepções e afetos na criação das obras. Mas esse interesse também pode conduzir a políticas identitárias. Para evitar que o campo se fragmente, as artes devem ser compreendidas, em suas relações de força e contingências históricas, como bens públicos e comuns, que manifestam, mais do que um capital, a potência humana de invenção. Contudo, transformar hábitos culturais é tarefa de longo prazo, que envolve o Estado, a iniciativa privada e a sociedade civil.

I propose in this work to show a possible connection between two anthropological images or ways of understanding humanity,along with the respective political implications of each. These two ways are "person" and "subject". I will also make use of Boethius' definition of person and assume that human political community is natural, at least in that even when the political does not constitute a natural dimension of human life but is solely contractual there is still there the disposition to make political contracts. ; Me propongo en este trabajo mostrar una posible conexión entre dos figuras antropológicas o modos de entender lo humano, con sus respectivas prolongaciones políticas. Esos dos modos son la "persona" y el "sujeto". Me serviré también de la definición boeciana de persona y asumo la politicidad humana como natural, una vez que mismo cuando el político no constituye una dimensión natural de la vida humana sino sólo contractual, hay la la disposición para hacer contratos políticos.

The paper contrasts the government accountability in the financing of K-12 education in Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay. It describes the countries' specificities in two periods with distinct government political lines: the 1990s, with the adoption of policies with a neoliberal matrix, and the period from 2000 to 2014, with the enactment of progressist policies for expansion of public expense in the three Latin American States. The topics presented in the comparative analysis represent the priorities of the state action regarding education, such as the right to it, compulsory and free education, public resources aimed to education, accountability between spheres and instances of government, and public expense. Each topic was analyzed in view of the situations of maintenance, redefinition, or partial redefinition concerning the two historical periods. The most usual situation in these countries was the redefinition of compulsory education, the change for higher in the references for expense in education, as well as renegotiations in the distribution of accountability between national and subnational governments in Argentina and Brazil.

L'article se penche sur la "participation" des populations à la régulation des techno-sciences et des techno-produits qui arrivent sur les marchés et affectent les modes de vie, l'environnement ou la santé. Une double thèse y est développée. La première conduit à la nécessité de réfléchir aux moyens de défendre et protéger celles et ceux qui interrogent les pratiques techno-industrielles (quant à la sécurité des systèmes mis en oeuvre par exemple) ou qui questionnent les certitudes académiques (lorsque celles-ci légifèrent trop vite sur des questions en jeu dans l'espace public). La deuxième thèse propose de placer la question de la participation dans des perspectives politiques et économiques plus vastes, en lien aux univers des marchés et de la politique professionnelle. Une conclusion majeure est que la participation est toujours invoquée formellement mais qu'on tend en pratique à réduire son usage aux cas exceptionnels où la bataille publique fait rage et ne peut être évitée ; dans les autres cas, on la contourne en la remplaçant par exemple par l'éthique instituée en comités – comités fermés mais censés "représenter la Société Civile", capables d'agir vite et, s'ils sont bien choisis, dans la bonne direction. On passe ainsi d'une régulation par la loi et le droit d'une part, des procédures participatives ouvertes de l'autre, à des formes de régulation fermées et ad hoc permettant la mise rapide sur le marché de nouvelles technologies. ; The article focuses on the "participation" of the populations in the regulation of techno-sciences and techno-products that get to the market and affect the way of life, the environment or health. In this case, a double thesis is developed. The first leads to the need to reflect on the means of defending and protecting those who challenge techno-industrial practices (for example, regarding the safety of the implemented systems) or those who question academic certainty (when these legislate very fast on issues at play in the public sphere). The second thesis proposes to place the issue of participation in wider political and economic perspectives, in relation to the market and professional politics. In the end, it is realized that participation is always formally invoked, but, in actual fact, the trend is to reduce participation to exceptional cases where the public struggle is violent and cannot be avoided; and in other cases it is sidestepped or forgotten, being substituted by ethics instituted in committees – closed committees, but supposedly "representing Civil Society", able to move rapidly and, if well chosen, in the right direction. Thus, going from one regulation by the law and by rights, onone side, and participative processes, on the other, to closed and ad hoc forms of regulation allowing for the fast introduction of new technologies in the markets.

O artigo discute, em um primeiro momento, questões relativas à configuração da política de Educação Especial no Brasil a partir dos anos 2000, destacando elementos que marcaram o processo de institucionalização da inclusão dos alunos, público alvo da educação especial na escola comum, bem como seus desafios atuais. Tendo como referência essas problematizações, busca-se, em um segundo momento, contextualizar os trabalhos que compõem esta Seção Temática. Partindo de abordagens teórico-metodológicas distintas, esses textos conservam em comum uma preocupação ética com os desdobramentos da Educação Especial para a sociedade e com a efetivação do princípio constitucional da educação como um direito de todos. ; The article discusses, at first, questions related to the configuration of the Special Education policy in Brazil from the 2000s, highlighting elements that marked the process of institutionalization of the inclusion of students, the target audience of special education in the common school, as well as challenges. With these problematizations as reference, it is sought, secondly, to contextualize the works that make up this Thematic Section. Based on different theoretical and methodological approaches, these texts share an ethical concern with the development of Special Education for society and with the implementation of the constitutional principle of education as a right of all.

O artigo oferece uma série de reflexões a respeito de uma fase dos trabalhos de Michel Foucault e de alguns de seus colaboradores apresentada no volume The Foucault effect: studies in governmentality (1991), coeditado pelo autor. Tais reflexões se organizam em três partes. Primeiro, há uma revisão de alguns aspectos das aulas de Foucault sobre governamentalidade que, por diferentes razões, foram deixados de lado quando o livro foi publicado. Em seguida, faz-se um balanço de temas importantes que, embora presentes no livro, não receberam suficiente atenção dos leitores. Finalmente, no eixo que ocupa a maior parte do artigo, examinam-se as últimas discussões de Foucault a respeito do que o autor denomina múltiplos nascimentos da política, a fim de demonstrar a continuidade da pertinência do empreendimento foucaultiano nos anos 1970, tornado possível devido à noção de governamentalidade, ao mesmo tempo tão estranha e operacional. Tal atualidade é indicada não somente pelo incremento dos estudos sobre governamentalidade após o aparecimento dos cursos que Foucault deu no Collège de France, mas principalmente pelos dilemas e aporias que a cultura política em que estamos mergulhados nos trouxe. Nesse sentido, o artigo se encerra com uma espécie de agenda de pesquisa para dar continuidade ao trabalho inacabado de Foucault, uma agenda que nos convida a aprofundar nossa compreensão das relações entre a filosofia crítica, a racionalidade política e a cultura política, compreendidas como um conjunto de formas de conduta e de sociabilidade, modos de vida e estilos de subjetivação e dizer verdadeiro. ; The article offers a series of reflections on the presentation of a phase of work by Michel Foucault and some of his co-researchers in the volume The Foucault Effect: studies in governmentality (1991), co-edited by the author. These reflections fall into three parts. First, there is a review of some important aspects of Foucault's 'governmentality' lectures that, due to different reasons, were left aside when the book was published. Second, there is the account of important themes that, although presented in the book, have not received so much consideration from the readers. And last, in the axis that occupies the greater part of the article, the author examines Foucault's later discussions of what Gordon calls "the multiple births of politics", in order to show the continuing pertinence of Michel Foucault's enterprise during the 1970s, made possible by this notion of governmentality, at once so strange and so operative. That this is an enterprise of continuing contemporary relevance is indicated not only by the spread of governmentality studies since the appearance of Michel Foucault's lectures at Collège de France, but specially by the dilemmas and "dead-ends" that our political culture has brought us to. In this sense, the article concludes with a sort of research agenda for continuing Foucault's unfinished investigation, one that invites us to deepen our understanding of the relationships between philosophical critique, governmental rationality and political culture, understood as a set of forms of conduct and sociability, modes of life, and styles of subject-formation and truth-telling.

This article aims to analyze two fields of the Brazilian cultural policy developed since 2000, during the governments of Luis Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff. The first analysis focus on the Nacional System of Culture and its goal of generating stability to the national cultural policy through the linking of the federal entities. In this context, the text addresses aspects related to the challenges involved in the multilevel governance in Brazil considering, on the one hand, the tradition of the country in developing systemic policies, and by the other hand, the problems faced to promote a democratic, decentralized and cooperative cultural management. The second analysis seeks the role of the country, represented by the Ministries of Culture and of Foreign Affairs, in processes of cultural cooperation and multilateral negotiation in the Ibero-American space. Thus, the article approaches the unprecedented international dimension that culture has achieved to the Brazilian's policy of foreign affairs, becoming an important diplomatic tool.

O artigo trata da presente crise do capitalismo internacional, interessando-se pelo nexo entre seus aspectos propriamente econômicos e as questões políticas e institucionais que ela suscita. São discutidos alguns elementos de caráter cognitivo e metodológico importantes para uma agenda de pesquisa da crise, e em seguida é apresentado um panorama do processo de globalização neoliberal que caracterizou o mundo nas ultimas décadas e que está no centro da crise contemporânea. O artigo conclui com uma breve prospecção das mudanças que poderão advir da crise, sobretudo no que diz respeito à revalorização da política e ao fortalecimento do papel do estado. ; The article deals with the current crisis of world capitalism, relating its specifically economic aspects to political and institutional questions raised by the financial crash. It discusses some cognitive and methodological issues which are relevant for a research agenda of the process, followed by an overview of the development of neoliberal globalization. This model, which characterized the world during the last few decades, is in the heart of the contemporary economic problems. The article concludes with a brief prospect of the changes that may be stemming from the crisis, especially those related to the strengthening of politics and the state's role.

Apresenta-se a resenha crítica da obra A mediatização da política na era das redes sociais recentemente lançada em Portugal. Tecemos comentários sobre a sua importância para os estudos nos processos de mediatização da política. ; We present the recent book A mediatização da política na era das redes sociais. Following the author, we try to comment the book and its importance in the mediatization studies' context inside the politics.

Este artículo presenta una serie de hallazgos que surgen del análisis de datos estadísticos sobre matrícula en la Educación Secundaria argentina, datos que son puestos en relación con indicadores sobre empleo joven para el mismo período. Los mismos se interpretan a la luz de los enfoques teóricos de las corrientes críticas de la Sociología de la Educación. A partir de recuperar análisis del Estado argentino para el período pos 2001, como un gobierno neodesarrollista, y de considerar sus características desde perspectivas gramscianas, se intenta interpretar al sistema educativo en tanto herramienta en la configuración de procesos de hegemonía. Procesos que para algunos autores configuran una hegemonía debil, debido a estar conducida por un gobierno que se adapta pragmáticamente a las exigencias de la coyuntura, y que termina reproduciendo una gestión de contradicciones las cuales se expresan, como se plantea en las conclusiones, también en la educación. Siendo así, se invita al lector a profundizar en el análisis del sistema educativo desde una perspectiva crítica proveniente de la Sociología de la Educación. Ésta permite vincular aquello que en numerosos análisis sobre el sistema educativo aparece desvinculadado, la relación Estado-hegemonía-educación. En este caso lo hace observando el comportamiento estructural de la población en edad formal de asistir a la educación secundaria: la juventud. ; The following article presents a series of findings that arise from statistical analysis of enrollment data originated in Argentina's Secondary Education system, which is then linked to youth employment indicators for the same period. Those are interpreted making use of theoretical approaches provided by critical currents of Sociology of Education. By recovering the analysis of the Argentinian State as a neo-developmental government in the post-2001 period, and considering its characteristics from a Gramscian perspective, we try to interpret the educational system as a tool in the configuration of hegemony processes. For some authors those processes develop a weak hegemony, due to a government that adapts pragmatically to juncture demands, and ends up reproducing the management of contradictions which are also expressed, as stated in the conclusions, in Education. Therefore, the reader is invited to deepen the analysis of the educational system from a critical perspective given by the Sociology of Education, specifically in its contributions on educational inequality. This perspective allows us to establish the relationship between the hegemony of State, hegemony and education, which seems disconnected from the education system according to several analysis. This will be achieved by observing the structural behavior of population in age to formally attend secondary school: the youth.

Este trabalho trata-se de uma resenha crítica do livro Ciudadanos reemplazados por algoritmos, escrito por Néstor García Canclini, em 2019. Na obra, o autor discute, em forma de ensaio, como ser cidadão no capitalismo global e eletrônico, em um contexto no qual se reorganizam conceitos, antes seguros, de cidadania, política e globalização. Quando os sistemas tradicionais de fazer política parecem falhar, o autor busca compreensão, respostas e saídas nas novas formas de participação e reinvindicação, nos jovens e nas culturas do hackeamento, atentando para a perigosa combinação da opacidade dos algoritmos e da transparência dos nossos dados. ; This work is a critical review of the book Ciudadanos reemplazados por algoritmos, written by Néstor García Canclini, in 2019. In the work, the author discusses, as an essay, how to be a citizen in global and electronic capitalism, in a context in which, previously safe, concepts of citizenship, politics and globalization are reorganized. When traditional systems of making politics seem to fail, the author seeks understanding, answers and solutions in new forms of participation and claim, in young people and in hacking cultures, paying attention to the dangerous combination of the opacity of the algorithms and the transparency of our data.

Uma série de episódios que mostram o comprometimento do primeiro presidente petista com a militarização da segurança pública serve de pano de fundo para um estudo da origem, do desenvolvimento e da morfologia de três bases rítmicas características de três décadas sucessivas do Funk Carioca: o Volt Mix (anos 1990), o Tamborzão (primeira década dos anos 2000) e o Beatbox (anos 2010). Entrevistas, transcrições e espectrogramas indicam sincronismos entre transformações da sonoridade e eventos políticos. À medida que se cerceiam os bailes, a base desocupa sucessivamente o agudo (primeira década dos anos 2000) e o grave (anos 2010) para encolherse no centro. O início e o fim do segundo mandato, marcados pela Chacina do Pan (2007) e pela invasão dos Complexos da Penha e do Alemão (2010), delimitam uma era de ouro do Proibidão. ; A series of episodes that show president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's commitment to the militarization of public security provides the backdrop for a study of the origin, development and morphology of three beats (bases) that characterize, each, one decade of Funk Carioca: Volt Mix (1990s), Tamborzão (the years 2000-2009) and Beatbox (from 2010 onwards). Interviews, transcriptions and spectrograms indicate synchronisms between political events and changes in sonority. As the dances (bailes) become outlawed, the beat retreats successively from the high (years 2000-2009) and low (2010 to date) edges of the spectrum to concentrate in the medium. Marked by the Pan American Games Massacre of 2007 and by occupation of the Penha and Alemão complexes of favelas in 2010, the beginning and the end of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's second term in office delimit a golden age of Forbidden Funk (Proibidão).

This article systematizes the poetic journey of Selma Parreira – a Brazilian artist from the state of Goiás – based on her exhibition Desuso (Disuse), (2016), a development of her project Machina: Memória e Poética do Espaço e Objetos (Machina: Memory and Poetics of Space and Objects) (2015). By means of pictorial signs, Selma uses her childhood memories and contemplates the machinic space – a rice field shed in the city of Anápolis, Goiás (part of her family's estate) – to deepen investigation into visual poetics. These signs intertwine memory, history, time/space/place, aesthetics, cultural performance in Goiás, and politics. To do so, I adopt an interdisciplinary approach supported by the works of Jacque Rancière, Walter Benjamin, Michel de Certeau, Michael Serres, Charles Baudelaire, Henri Bergson, Jacques Lacan, among others, as well as Selma Pereira's oral narrative and written texts by Nei Clara de Lima. ; O artigo sistematiza o percurso poético da artista goiana Selma Parreira, a partir da exposição Desuso (2016), desdobramento de seu projeto Machina: memória e poética do espaço e objetos (2015). Por meio de signos picturais, a artista recorre às memórias de infância, contempla o espaço maquínico – um galpão de uma arrozeira em Anápolis, GO –, espólio de sua família, para aprofundar a investigação em poéticas visuais. Neles se entrecruzam memória, história, tempo/espaço/lugar, estética, performance cultural goiana e política. Para tanto, faço um enfoque interdisciplinar apoiado em Jacque Rancière, Walter Benjamin, Michel de Certeau, Michael Serres, Charles Baudelaire, Henri Bergson, Jacques Lacan, entre outros, narrativa oral da artista e texto escrito de Nei Clara de Lima.

In the 1970s, the term "civil society" was reinvented almost simultaneously in Latin America and Central and Eastern Europe.The problems of consolidating democracy are often interpreted as the result of a weakened civil society that has not established itself as an independent arena in the new political system. This article explores the basic similarities and differences in the character of civil society in both regions aswell as asks several questions concerning its relations with political regimes and the role of social movements international nongovernment organizations in theformation of civil society. ; Nos anos 1970, o termo "sociedade civil" foi reinventado quase simultaneamente na América Latina e na Europa Central e Oriental. Os problemas com a consolidação da democracia são freqüentemente interpretados como resultado de umasociedade civil fragilizada, que não se estabeleceu como arena independente no novo sistema político. Este artigo exploraas similaridades e diferenças básicas no caráter da sociedade civil em ambas asregiões e faz alguns questionamentos acerca das relações com os regimes políticos bem como sobre o papel dos movimentos sociais e das organizações nãogovernamentaisinternacionais na formação da sociedade civil.