Suchergebnisse

The last elections in Brazil have shown a growing participation of evangelicals in the political scenario and a majority identification with right-wing governments. A representative mark of this behavior occurred in the expressive support given to the presidential election of Bolsonaro and in the occupation of several positions in the exercise of his government. The article presents the historical trajectory of evangelical behavior in the political sphere and also the factors that historically configure theimagery of this religious segment, guiding its approaches to the right. Priority is given to the conceptual notion of "imaginary", as used by the so-called new political history. As sources of analysis, in addition to bibliographic texts, audiovisual resources, social media and lyrics from the Brazilian evangelical universe are used.

First of all, the article analyzes, in panorama, Spinoza's ontology. Secondly, it shows how, from the concepts present in the ontology, the author derives others, as man, desire, joy and sorrow, hope and fear, security and despair, action and passion. From the relationship between ontology, men and desire - as well as from the other affects -, are extracted, in brief considerations, some Spinoza ́s political thesis. In this argumentative movement, the hypothesis is that many Spinoza's political thesis a rise from its ontology and its conception of man as desire and potency variation. The concept of desire is analyzed in the light of the variation of potency and the theme of natural right, which in Spinoza is identical to potency. When the subject is the brief derivations to politics, some hobbesian thesis - related to the following subjects, namely, the multitude, the people, the representation, the natural right, the civil state, etc. - are brought to show, by contrast, the importance of Spinoza's innovations.

The present article aims to sketch a parallel between two works of political philosophy: the unfinished pamphlet "From the Kingdom or Government of the Princes to the King of Cyprus" by St. Thomas Aquinas, and the well-known "The Prince" by Niccolo Machiavelli. The collation of texts allows direct approximations between two distant philosophical moments through the similar theme, through the philosophical treatment of the classical tradition, and through the subtlety of the argument that relates the common good to the private, in the political relations. The analysis is divided into two thematic parts: the definition of ruler, and the characteristics of his craft. In Thomas, the influence of Aristotelian politics is articulated with the way in which the private purpose of the ruler is established in a hierarchy of ends that justifies the government and is directed to the common good. In Machiavelli there is a different reception of ancient thought, connected with Roman rhetoric, and a hierarchy of ends, which is directed, similarly to the Tomasian, for the common good, but with a different treatment as to how public good relates to the private good of both the ruler and the people subjected to him. From this comparison we conclude that there is a need to establish the complexity of political philosophy in the passage from the middle ages to the renaissance that removes the idea of ​​a total rupture and allows us to understand how the modern age keep medieval elements and develops them much more than abandon them.

Using the Foucaultian framework, we examine here the basic assumption of the modern and contemporary political order, namely the decisive conception that men are governable. In the genealogical path opened by Michel Foucault we examined the political reworking of what was originally the Judeo-Christian spiritual power of governing souls. For Foucault, the modern political government of men is situated at the intersection of two sets of powers foreshadowed in early Christianity: a) the pastoral art of conducting conduct displaced from the eschatological destination of souls to the calculated management of (biopolitical) biological life and b) the dual production of the knowledge necessary for good governance; the utilitarian production of the truth that serves the pastoral art of government itself and the pure or aleturgical manifestation of the truth with regard to the governable.