Suchergebnisse

Magistrska naloga obravnava in analizira odnose med županom kot najvišjim političnim funkcionarjem in direktorjem občinske uprave kot najvišjim javnim uslužbencem. V prvem delu sta predstavljeni zgodovina lokalne samouprave v Sloveniji in Ustava Republike Slovenije, ki je najvišji splošni pravni akt in lokalni samoupravi posveča svoje poglavje. Načela, ki vodijo lokalno samoupravo in so pomembna za uspešno delovanje in razvoj lokalne samouprave, so načelo avtonomije, načelo subsidiarnosti in načelo regionalizacije. Slovenske občine se vedno bolj vključujejo v skupne občinske uprave za opravljanje posameznih nalog, saj so občinske uprave v manjših občinah kadrovsko nedohranjene. Prav tako se občine vključujejo v združenja občin, saj lahko na ta način bolje zagotavljajo svoj skupni interes na področju lokalne samouprave. Občine med seboj sodelujejo tudi na podlagi sporazumov o pobratenju, ki ima pozitivne učinke na lokalno samoupravo in lokalno okolje, saj gre za stik z mednarodnimi partnerji, izmenjavo izkušenj in pridobitev različnih novih znanj. V nadaljevanju naloge so predstavljene ravni lokalne samouprave v sosednjih državah Republiki Hrvaški in Republiki Avstriji. V drugem, raziskovalnem delu naloge je prikazana primerjava lokalnih skupnosti v dveh izbranih evropskih državah. Na podlagi intervjujev je bila izvedena primerjava odnosov med oblastjo v lokalni samoupravi in politiko. V intervjujih so sodelovali župani in direktorji občinskih uprav manjših slovenskih, hrvaških in avstrijskih občin. V nalogi so predstavljena tudi mnenja županov in direktorjev občinskih uprav o njihovih odnosih v občinah. ; This research work discusses and analyses the relationship between the mayor, as the highest political official and the director of municipal administration as senior civil servant. The first section presents the history of local government in Slovenia and the Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia, which is the highest general legal act and the local government has its own chapter in the Constitution. Principles that lead local government and are important for a successful operation and development of local self-government is the principle of autonomy, the principle of subsidiarity and the principle of regionalization. Slovenian municipalities are increasingly involved in Joint Municipal Administration to perform specific tasks, as the municipal administration in small municipalities are understaffed. In addition, the municipalities integrate themselves in the Association of Municipalities to ensure their common interests better in the field of local self-government. Municipalities cooperate with each other based on agreements of town, which has a positive impact on local government and the local environment, because of the contact with international partners, exchange of experience and the acquisition of various new skills. In the following part of the work levels of local government in the neighbouring countries, the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Austria are presented. The second part of the research work, a comparison of local communities in the two selected European countries, is presented. A comparison was made about relations between the authorities and the local government policy based on interviews. In the interviews, the mayors and directors of municipal administrations of small Slovenian, Croatian and Austrian municipalities participated. The thesis also shows the opinions of mayors and the directors of municipal administrations of their relations in the municipalities.

The study presented in the article examined
the mediating role played by internationalisation in
both government financial support–export strategic
performance and government non-financial support–
export strategic performance relationships. The moderating role of a strategic alliance in the relationships
between government financial support and degree of
internationalisation, and between government nonfinancial support and degree of internationalisation,
was also considered. The study entailed a cross-sectional survey and included 301 indigenous export firms in
Ghana. The reliability and validity of the data was tested using confirmatory factor analysis, with structural
equation modelling as the primary means of analysis,
run using Amos (v.23). It was concluded that both government financial support and non-financial support
had a direct positive influence on export strategic performance. These relationships were partially mediated
by the degree of internationalisation. Strategic alliance
positively moderated the relationships between government financial support and degree of internationalisation, and also between government non-financial support and degree of internationalisation.
Keywords: government financial support; government
non-financial support; strategic alliance; internationalisation; export strategic performance

Local self-government units are key cells of every country's development, pervading deeply needs and interests of local community members, the citizens of a state, who are considered to be the key factor in survival and development of a community. No successful democratic society can be achieved without a good and effi cient local self-government. For that reason, a special attention needs to be brought to the issue of local self-government units. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, there is a fragmented system of local self-governmentmunits at entity level, with a very low degree of mutual cooperation, which greatly complicates and hinders the functioning of local self-government units at the state level. There is no unity in regulation and compliance of local self-government units functioning, at the state level, with the European Charter of Local Self-Government, or the documents of the Council of Europe, which is at odds with the aspirations of our country in the process of Euro-Atlantic integration with the rest of Europe.

Obstaja veliko študij, ki se ukvarjajo s primerjalnim vrednotenjem e-uprave. Razlog za tako popularnost primerjalnega vrednotenja je interes različnih držav za boljši vpogled v trenutno specifično fazo razvoja e-uprave na nacionalni ravni. Ta vpogled hkrati razkriva pozitivne in negativne plati razvoja v primerjavi z drugimi državami ter tiste vidike, ki jih je treba izboljšati. Namen naše študije, ki vsebuje analizo razvitosti e-uprave v Sloveniji, Avstriji, Hrvaški, Danski in Estoniji v letih 2014, 2015 in 2016, je ugotoviti, ali v izbranih državah obstaja povezanost med stopnjo razvitosti e-uprave in drugimi izbranimi dejavniki razvitosti države (višina bruto domačega proizvoda, stopnja izobrazbe in stopnja interakcije z javnimi organi). Za opisovanje ključnih pojmov e-uprave in kazalnikov razvitosti smo uporabili metodo deskripcije, s komparativno in statistično metodo pa smo primerjali izmerjene vrednosti izbranih kazalnikov. Ugotovitve analize ne nakazujejo povezanosti med višino BDP in stopnjo razvitosti euprave. Pri nižji in srednji stopnji izobrazbe obstaja negativna povezanost, kar pomeni, da manjši kot so deleži prebivalstva z nižjo oziroma srednjo izobrazbo, bolj se povečuje stopnja razvitosti e-uprave. Delež prebivalstva z visoko izobrazbo pa je pozitivno povezan s stopnjo razvitosti e-uprave. Močna pozitivna povezanost je prav tako prisotna med stopnjo interakcije z javno upravo in stopnjo razvoja e-uprave. Izjema je le Slovenija, kjer se stopnja interakcije z javnimi organi znižuje s povečevanjem stopnje razvitosti e-uprave. S primerjalno analizo smo pridobili boljši vpogled v stanje e-uprave v izbranih državah ter s tem prispevali k boljšemu razumevanju obravnavanega področja in k identifikaciji povezanosti razvitosti e-uprave z drugimi kazalniki razvoja države. ; There are many studies dealing with comparative evaluation of e-government. The reason for such popularity of comparative evaluation is the interest of different countries for a better insight into the current, specific phase of e-government development at the national level. At the same time, this insight reveals positive and negative aspects of development in comparison with other countries and emphasizes those aspects that need to be improved. The purpose of our study, which includes the analysis of the development of e-government in Slovenia, Austria, Croatia, Denmark and Estonia in 2014, 2015 and 2016, is to determine whether a correlation between the level of development of egovernment and other selected factors of the country's development (amount of gross domestic product, level of education, level of interaction with public authorities) exists in selected countries. In order to describe the key concepts of e-government and development indicators, a descriptive method was used, and with the comparative and statistical method we compared the measured value of the selected indicators. The findings of the analysis do not indicate the correlation between the level of GDP and the level of development of e-government. At the lower and middle level of education, there is a negative correlation, which means that smaller the proportions of the population with lower and secondary education are, higher is the level of development of e-government. The proportion of the population with higher education positively correlates with the level of e-government development. A strong positive correlation is also present between the level of interaction with public authorities and the level of egovernment development. The only exception is Slovenia, where the level of interaction with public authorities is decreasing by increasing the level of e-government development. With our comparative analysis we gained a better insight into the condition of egovernment in selected countries and thus contributed to a better understanding of the area as well as identified the connection between the development of e-government and other indicators of the country's development.

Abstract. This research aims to give insight into the processes of public interaction between the police and antigovernment protesters during the Coronavirus Crisis in Poland by evaluating crowd control mechanisms. It addresses the research question: where does the model of anti-government protest policing developed by the Polish Police during the Covid-19 pandemic lie on a continuum of antinomic ideal types of escalated force and negotiated management? The research is embedded in studies on protest policing and draws on an intertextual qualitative analysis of police statements and media news. It shows that the policing of protests was closer to escalated force. However, a hybrid model was involved that combined elements of coercion and negotiation. In terms of protecting the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and police tolerance for community disruption, this particular form of policing is close to escalated force. Still, the communication between the police and the assembly participants, the extent and manner of the arrests closely mirrored both models. One dimension, the extent and nature of the force used, indicated negotiated management. Keywords: protest policing, contention, contentious politics, de-democratisation, Coronavirus Crisis, Poland

Abstract. The article explores the significance held by political myths for
legitimacy and politics. To that end, we examine political myth in line with
the contemporary theory of political myth, which understands political
myths as an integral part of all political communities that is not inherent
to just authoritarian and totalitarian regimes. Every political community
has their own stories/narratives that are accepted by most of the population and form the base of the legitimacy of the political order, whether it be a democratic or a non-democratic political order. In the final part of the article, we examine which narratives had such a legitimising power by analysing the political speeches of Franjo Tuđman while he was in office.
Keywords: legitimacy, politics, political myth, political speech analysis,
Tuđman.

Са политичким преокретом 2000. године у Србији отпочео је истовемено и процес идеолошког преобликовања јавних простора. Међу најпроминентнијим видовима оваквог деловања је именовање или преименовање урбаног простора, првенствено улица и тргова, те бављење постојећим споменицима и меморијалима, као и градња и планирање нових. Овакви су случајеви посебно били уочљиви у Београду. Њима су се у неколико наврата супротставиле одређене политичке партије, те неполитичке групе које су организовале уличне акције 'против-именовања' београдских улица, те кампање против новопланираних јавних споменика. Односи моћи и идентитетске политике у овим случајевима биће коментарисани у овом раду. Пропратиће се праксе неколико уметничких и политичких скупина које су спровеле акције и перформансе незваничног преименовања улица, или су пак дискутовале и противиле се подизању новопредложених споменика. (Пре)именовањем одређених градских простора, хегемонске политичке коалиције покушавају да конституишу сигнификантна симболичка места, док, са друге стране, опозиционе противакције покушавају да преузму та иста места и да их реинтерпретирају. У овом ће се раду покушати да прикажу и анализирају поједине идеолошке политике и званични дискурси сећања, те поједине уметничке и политичке контраполитике и опозиционе праксе алтернативне комеморације ; With the onset of political overturn in Serbia in 2000, the process of the ideological reconfiguration of public places was simultaneously being put in motion. One of the most promi- nent means of this endeavor was naming and renaming of urban space, primarily of streets and squares, but also treatment of existing memorial sites and monuments and commissioning and erection of new ones. These undertakings were especially prominent in Serbia's capital Belgrade. Such processes were opposed several times by certain political parties and groups which organized street-actions of counter-naming of Belgrade's thoroughfares and campaigns against newly designated public monuments, and power-play and identity politics of such proceedings will be commented on here. This paper will discuss practices of several artistic and political groups which carried out unofficial street-renaming actions and performances, or discussed and opposed proposed new memorials. By (re)naming certain urban spaces, hegemonic political coalitions are trying to construct significant symbolic places, while oppositional counter-actions are seeking to overtake those same places and reinterpret them. This paper will attempt to sum up and inquire into the ideological politics of official memory discourses and artistic and political counter-politics and actions of opposition or alternative commemoration.