Suchergebnisse

The article analyzes the process of origin and development of migration policy of state entities on Ukrainian lands in the 10th – first half of the 18th century. The research methodology is to study and analyze the organizational and legal foundations of Ukrainian migration policy during the study period. The validity of theoretical provisions, conclusions, scientific analysis and reliability of the results of the study is ensured by the use of a set of philosophical, general scientific and special scientific methods, namely: historical law, comparative law, historical and functional, formal legal and others. The study was conducted from the perspective of the principles of historicism, objectivity, versatility, complementarity and validity, which created a sound methodological basis for a comprehensive analysis of the subject matter of the study. The scientific novelty is the historical and legal analysis of the basic state-legal elements of migration policy, the identification of peculiarities of their functioning and effectiveness. The scientific novelty is the historical and legal analysis of the basic state-legal elements of migration policy, the identification of peculiarities of their functioning and effectiveness. The paper states that in the Middle Ages state control was established over the movements of foreigners, ambassadors and merchants. Subsequently, as the socio-economic and political situation changed, the problem of regulating the movement of not only the privileged classes but also the general population arose. It is observed that further strengthening of migration control, both external and internal, comes from the introduction of a passport system. It was found that effective state control over migration, which was based on the passport system, was managed not by the Polish authorities but by the Russian authorities. It was noted that the system of control over the population movement and passport system for some time was established in the territory of Zaporizhzhia Troops, which, in addition, allowed the Sich to emphasize its jurisdiction over the owners of Cossack passports. It has been proved that, since the seventeenth century, the passport has become the main instrument in the implementation of the state migration policy. It is established that it was in the 16th–17th centuries practices of managed and forced resettlement are being started, which will later be actively used by the Soviet authorities. Keywords: migration, a migration policy, a passport, a managed resettlement.

The article highlights the relevance of this issue and presents the results of a pilot study aimed at indicating whether there is a relationship between functional asymmetry and the level of development of imaginative and verbal-logical thinking. For more than 150 years, psychologists have studied the impact of functional asymmetry on human development. Depending on this, there are mainly groups: right-handed (right-handed), left-handed (shulg), ambidexter. However, in the scientific community, the connection between the left and right hemispheres is quite deep and not clear. For the sake of clarity of results, this study was conducted on a sample of children in grades 4-6. The research was carried out with the help of a diagnostic complex, which includes psychodiagnostic methodology for determining the integral index of figurative and verbal-logical thinking, as well as diagnostics of functional asymmetry of motor and sensory systems. The relationship between this study and the results of our pilot study is being traced. In addition, the study presents data from different social strata. For example, among the lyceum students the "mosaic" asymmetries were more common, while the pure "right-handed" type was often noticed among the students. This pilot study is the basis that defines a new space for research, namely the study of thinking and detailed analysis depending on two groups of variables – asymmetries: hand, foot, ear, eye; and classic units of analysis – age, gender, social status, nationality. The data obtained indicate a tendency for such an impact. In the course of the study, no significant influence of the dominance of sensory and motor systems on the level of development of figurative and verbal-logical thinking in young and middle school children (grades 4–6) was found. Trends in the influence of the dominance of the visual sensory system on the development of imaginative thinking have been identified, as well as a tendency to float on the development of thinking on the side of the motor system, in particular the leading leg. There is a recommendation to repeat the study on a larger sample.

The situation in Ukraine concerns the international community since January 2014 and remains a central issue in legal and political science researches. The United Nations Security Council (UN) was not only unable to prevent the conflict but also to take any possible steps to resolve it. As a result, a number of regional European organizations have been involved in the crisis in eastern Ukraine. The article discusses the mechanisms of activity of key European structures and organizations which aim at preventing, mitigating and resolving the conflict in Ukraine. The specifics of the methods used by each organization are determined, the success of their activities is evaluated, and the ways of increasing their effectiveness and involvement in resolving the Russian-Ukrainian conflict are suggested. The international response of the European community to the conflict in Crimea and eastern Ukraine has been investigated. The approaches, activities and efforts of the OSCE, the EU and the Council of Europe to address the conflict are reviewed. As the crisis in Ukraine deepened, the tasks of the OSCE Monitoring Mission included the following: facilitating access of international experts to the MH17 crash place, monitoring the implementation of Minsk agreements, facilitating the dialogue on local level to achieve a temporary ceasefire, participating in humanitarian sector coordination groups, ongoing supplying with the information regional, national and international media on the current state of conflict. Accordingly, the situation should not be confined solely to the conflict between Ukraine and Russia, as it poses a threat not only to the territorial integrity of Ukraine but also to security in Europe, so the activities of international organizations should be assessed comprehensively with a focus on the need for international law to be respected by all parties concerned.

У статті розглядається поточний російсько-український конфлікт із точки зору класичної теорії тріадичного зв'язку Роджерса Брубейкера. Ми протиставляємо нову політику пам'яті, освіти та мови в Україні після Євромайдану офіційній російській критиці з її широкими посиланнями на, серед іншого, нацизм та "етноцид", міжрегіональну напруженість всередині України, а також спільне "героїчне" минуле росіян і українців. На перший погляд, риторичне та політичне загострення між Україною та Росією у 2014-2019 роках виглядає як типовий тристоронній конфлікт між постколоніальною державою-націоналізатором, етнічною меншиною та її зовнішньою батьківщиною, за концептуалізацією Брубейкера. Проте на основі історичної контекстуалізації ми робимо висновок, що класична теорія тріадичного наступу може лише частково пояснити причинно- наслідкові механізми ескалації російсько-українського конфлікту.

On the basis of trade union periodicals, the principle of historicism, scientific and objective approach, the article analyzes and shows the statute and activities of the trade union of private servants of Eastern Galicia. The present state and development of the historiography of the problems, the history of the trade union movement was investigated, it was proved that the main event in the trade union movement of the middle of the ХІХ century became social processes in Eastern Galicia, which created a new working-class movement on the material and moral protection of workers. The study of this problem has an important scientific significance, since it enables to show the work of the first professional union of private employees, to analyze their program document and to show the evolution of trade union movement until the adoption of the Constitution of 1867. Among the works devoted to this topic, unfortunately, there are no monographs or scientific researches by Ukrainian scholars, therefore, in the article we rely on the study of Polish scholars: Bali Stanislav, Kishchinsky Lucian, and trade union periodicals, where there is an attempt to present the history of trade union movement in a new course of events. Thus, we can conclude that the Society for the Mutual Assistance of Private Servants was formed, the founding of which was sought or projected by employees from 1846. And, despite for political blockages, or attacks by employers and many other reasons, the suspension of the creation of a basic document, however, achieved the goal of 1867 - the Society began its activities.

The article is an analysis of the mobbing problem occurrence among children adolescents, establishing the causes of a school environment the main characteristics of the concept and finding ways to prevent mobbing. The method of studying the problem of mobbing in children in the school environment explains to us the root causes of its occurrence, reveals the very essence of its appearance, as well as the manifestations of mobbing in middle school age children from their peers.In a deeper analysis of the problem of mobbing, we identified the main aspects of preventing this phenomenon, also developed a methodological plan for the prevention of mobbing in schools, and developed and described preventive measures to prevent manifestations among middle school children for teachers and parents who have and can influence students or their children in the context of this issue. The findings of this paper reflect the state of the problem of mobbing in the current educational process in Ukraine, taking into account the actualization of its manifestations due to the large number of displaced persons, including middle-aged children, from temporarily occupied territories during the Russian armed aggression against our country. The processes taking place in our extremes and in the world are inevitable for society as a whole, and so the challenge we face requires more detailed consideration of the issue of mobbing among adolescents of schools, the urgent response to its present manifestations, and addressing these issues, specifics of personal approaches to middle school children in each case. Analyzing the problem of mobbing among children in school, especially middle school children, we have come to the conclusion that the multiplicity of influence factors determines the direction of the study of the problem and gives this problem a new special approach, taking into account many points, and obliges us to solve the problem of mobbing the school, so that it does not persecute a person who is primarily a person, in adolescence and adulthood.

The article addresses the electoral history of the right-wing populist parties in Austria, France and the Netherlands in the period from the beginning of 1980s till 2017, as well as features inherent in these parties. Similarities and differences between the nationalist, anti-immigrant parties of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, French Republic and Austria have been shown. Analysis of historical underpinnings of the creation of the nationalistically-oriented parties – French Front National ("National Front", from June 1st 2018 Rassemblement national – "National Rally"), Austrian Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs ("Freedom Party of Austria") and Dutch Partij voor de Vrijheid ("Dutch Party for Freedom") has been conducted. Influence of various problems present in these countries' societies on the electoral performance of the mentioned above parties has been analyzed. Research on the electoral trends and main reasons for the surge in popularity of the right-wing populist parties in Austria, France and the Netherlands has been carried out. Direct influence of the issue of illegal immigration (especially so – from the Muslim-majority countries in the Middle East) on electoral preferences of the Austrians, French and Dutch has been demonstrated. History of the creation of the modern-day leading right-wing populist political parties, as well as their ideological evolution has been thoroughly analyzed. The parties' differences in terms of political, social and economic aspects have been shown. Reasons for the right-wing populist parties' popularity in Austria, France and the Netherlands have been identified – among them, the most important ones are the increasing immigration of Muslims to these countries, as well as the growing distrust of the citizens of Austria, France and the Netherlands towards the governing bodies and policies of the European Union. It is demonstrated that the causes of such electoral performances are not only the historical underpinnings that have shaped both countries throughout centuries, but also the differences in Scotland's and Wales' economic development and the ideological distinctions within the Scottish and Welsh independence movements. Influence of internal rows and ideological divergencies within the National Rally, Freedom Party of Austria and Dutch Party for Freedom on the parties' performance has been demonstrated.

The article shows the effectiveness of informal education assistance as a method of young specialist`s anxiety overcoming study. The sample consisted of 150 people between the ages of 21 and 49, divided into three groups. The first group included 44 people, short-term students, the second group (60 people) – middle-term students, and the third group (46 people) – long-term informal education assistance courses. We used Spilberger-Khanin`s anxiety test to define the level of personal and situational anxiety. To define professional difficulties, we used a half-structured interview and self-report.
Short-term educational programs students have a low level of personal anxiety and middle-level situational anxiety, which changed slightly after the educational program (the difference is insignificant). The members of this group, as usual, have about 2 years of work experience and apply for academic help on specific professional issues.
Middle-term educational programs participants mostly do not have work experience are somewhat confused about their professional specialization (for example: «I want to work with children or with adults, I do not know», «I want certain instruments, but I am not sure if I need them»), do not see the point of an in-depth study that or another theme. At the beginning of the course, they have a high level of personal and situational anxiety. They try to get the basics for the future work, quite quickly overcome the confusion, in studying situational anxiety of this group decreased with a significant difference (p < 0.05).
Examined members of long-term educational programs have a middle level of individual and situational anxiety at the beginning. They try to understand many professional issues and feel tension and confusion. Situational anxiety in this group decreased with a significant difference (p < 0.05) in the process of studying. Members of this group feel the necessity to set goals and to plan their professional activity (for example: «I do not know where to start», «I do not understand why we need to do this», «I need consistency in work»), that is why they choose programs with a significant substance and content.
The proposed system of educational assistance is based on the problem-oriented approach. We have identified the lack of beginner's practical skills, tools, and professional activity techniques as the main problem that leads to difficulties during a professional crisis. We suppose that overcoming this deficit affects changes in specialists' activity quality and their psycho-emotional condition.
Our study results suggest that the proposed program of informal education has a positive effect on overcoming anxiety during the professional development crisis.

The subjective aspects of class, such as class identity, class awareness, or Bourdieu's "sense of one's place", compound the whole cluster of modern class studies. A sufficient amount of empirical data on subjective class issues has allowed Ukrainian scholars to define major class categories that are subjectively salient for Ukrainians, as well as to follow its dynamics throughout the period of Independence. This paper continues the tradition of such studies while using the data from the latest International Social Survey Programme 2019 and previous research. It depicts the current state of subjective stratification as it is viewed and constructed by Ukrainians. We use two methodological approaches here to define and measure classes with which Ukrainians identify themselves: one implies a single-answer multiple-choice survey question and the other is based on an open-ended question. That allows us to compare and verify the results received from the two approaches. Then, we analyze and describe the connection between the dynamics of class self-identification and bigscale changes of the Ukrainian transformation period. The working class and the middle class continue to dominate the landscape of the subjective class structure in Ukraine. These two class identities are the most popular ones whether being chosen by respondents in a multiple-choice question or being mentioned in an open-ended question. However, the dynamics of the two classes differ. While the public request for the middle class increases steadily, the popularity of the working class declines. We suggest addressing these trends, taking into account the conditions of time and place, both from local and global perspectives, and factoring in economic, social, and discursive changes of the period researched.

The article focuses on the main trends in the revival of religion in the modern world, its active presence in global politics and international relations. It is substantiated that the religious revival at the turn of 1980-1990 in Ukraine, sharp Orthodox-Greek-Catholic and inter-Orthodox conflicts were the result of significant distortions of its institutional and confessional space caused by the party-Soviet religious policy. Special and specific signs of "return of religion" in Ukraine in the context of global religious changes, in particular, the dynamism, complexity and to this day the incompleteness of this process. The content and essential characteristics of the mutual influences of socio-cultural transformations and dynamics of changes in the religious complex of modern Ukraine, the influence of events related to the Revolution of Dignity and the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war in the East of the country are analyzed. Peculiarities of life and social positioning of the main actors of the Ukrainian religious landscape, in particular, institutions of the Orthodox complex, UGCC, Protestant denominations, Islamic community, new religious movements are revealed. A number of difficult challenges facing the newly formed Orthodox Church of Ukraine are substantiated - ensuring internal unity, minimizing conflicts, creating their own landmark projects, finding a dialogical model of church reconciliation to overcome the religious frontier of the division of Ukrainian society. The dynamics of public ideas, clear ambivalence and controversy of public consciousness in the religious aspect - from the traditionally high level of trust in religion and the church, to a steady decline in assessments of their importance in the lives of citizens and socio-political processes. Conclusions and proposals on the intensification of the state policy of nationalcivil consolidation and active involvement of religion and religious organizations in this process have been formulated.

The article researches ideological principles of conflict regulation, in particular, the conflict in Eastern Ukraine in the context of forming of national-state ideology. This indicates theoretical and practical interest to a certain topic, which gets new sense and sound at each stage of national and state existence. It has been found out that political strategies should enable planning and forecasting political processes, minimize political bias, and meet reform projects. It is noted that the main vector of socio-cultural transformations had been proclaimed to be the posttotalitarian, post-colonial vector that a priori should permanently protect the state from the disadvantages and tragedies of the previous political era. Philosophical reflection is aimed at understanding of one of the most important components of national-state ideologies – a national idea. At present, there is no single national-state ideology in Ukraine, since new forms of understanding of social reality are in the process of formation. Obviously, it will be formed in the context of political forces' struggle and compromising. The crisis of unity in Ukrainian society is interpreted as a factor that does not contribute to the formation and implementation of a rational political strategy of the state. It is concluded that European spirit of Ukraine and national self-esteem should be formed on state level in internal and foreign politics, on theoretical level in the programs of state reforms, in the concepts and programs of education and upbringing, on daily life level in ideological regulations of interpersonal communication rules. It is concluded that there are the following steps towards peace, first, the cessation of hostilities and pressure, second, the establishment of dialogue, and third, the search for a solution to the contradictions through negotiations.

The article highlights changes in communication in "civil landscapes" of Ukrainian cities, as the parameters of temporality and spatial phenomenology. It is noted that the public space of a city is a special social and cultural form of being under conditions of Ukrainian's conflict. The methodological basis of the study is the concept of national identity, the theory of communicative action, as well as a cultural approach to the analysis of the temporal-spatial phenomenon of the city. The need for research practices focused on comprehending urban identity from the point of view of a "civic approach", establishing national values, and taking into account the communitarian principles of the formation of such an identity is articulated. Civil urban sites are analyzed through the prism of lighting of nationally sensitive time-space. Differences in communicative-spatial transformations of Ukrainian cities, character of presentation of their national-cultural identity in communicative space are described. The pro-active practices of the locals re-vitalizing the Ukrainian space, through the prospect of designing a "national-cultural reality" – of Ukrainian citizenship are outlined. The violation of the cordial eye of the majority of national identities, as if they were based on the front line of the Russian-Ukrainian war and the coveted national-cultural frontiers of Ukraine, move forward. There is a shift in worldview boundaries along the national identity of communities that find themselves on the front lines of the Russian-Ukrainian war and become defensive national-cultural frontiers of Eastern Ukraine. It is noted that the spatial connections of Ukrainian cities and communities require a more powerful national-cultural articulation of the symbolic structure of urban politics and topos' mnemonics.

This paper focuses on the time perspective dynamics of the Ukrainian 17–24-year-olds which reside in the south-eastern regions of Ukraine, such as Kharkov, Dnepropetrovsk and Odessa regions, during the period 2012–2015. The study included areas bordering the zone of military conflict, or those that are an area of great national importance and therefore are a strategic area in military operations, which can begin there. All subjects filled out a personal data questionnaire (age, gender, place of residence) and the Zimbardo Time Perspective Inventory (ZTPI) in the Ukrainian-language adaptation by A. Senik or the Russian-language adaptation by A. Syrtsova. Thus, the research has covered three periods which differ in social, political and economical stability: before Maidan, during Maidan and the one started with onset of armed conflict in the Eastern regions of the country. The temporal perspective of young people, measured during these periods, may also differ because of changes in the social and material parameters of life. The results have shown that during the aforementioned period future time orientation decreases, whilst the numbers of present fatalistic and past negative time orientations as well as a negative interpretation of past events increase with onset of armed conflict in the Eastern regions of the country. The significance of time orientations does not differ in the period before the Maidan and in the Maidan period, and grow only in the period from the outbreak of the military conflict – simultaneously with significant changes in the social and material parameters of the population life living near the military conflict zone. The results obtained – a decrease in the setting of long-term goals, an increase in fatalism (helplessness) and a negative assessment of the past – may be the result of the young people traumatic experience, through the prism of which past, present and future events of one's own life are evaluated.

The author considers in this article the problem of definition the characteristics of the non-independent status of Ukraine at the time of the Russian Empire and the USSR as one of the key for the Ukrainian philosophy of history, political science and politics. This problem is extremely important both from a theoretical and a practical point of view. According to the author, Ukraine really had the status of a colony in one form or another, although nominally in the USSR was one of the "sovereign republics". The article outlines the main factors that prevent scholars from unanimously recognizing this status, criticized those areas of Western Postcolonial Studies, where hypertrophied racial factors and the "overseas territories" factor, and, in addition, the Russian Empire is ignored as a colonial state. The part of those researchers, who deny the colonial status of Ukraine in the USSR, emphasize the aggressive nature of Bolshevism and the imperial policy of Moscow, but at the same time they are talking about "occupied Ukraine." For example, the main territory of Ukraine after the collapse of the Russian Empire was occupied by Bolshevik Russia. After the Second World War, when almost all of the Ukrainian lands were united under the USSR, they were given an occupation regime that existed until the 1990s. The author of the article believes that this approach is a simplification of the real situation. The period of occupation in Eastern Ukraine ended in 1921, when the Bolsheviks were forced to make certain concessions to the Ukrainians, and in Western Ukraine - in 1953, shortly after Stalin's death. There has come a long period of colonial exploitation of Ukrainian resources, including human, whose consequences considerably complicate the life of the restored independent Ukrainian state. Decolonization is an incomparably more complex and prolonged process than liberation from occupation and overcoming its consequences.