Suchergebnisse

Are Knudsen ; Title from title screen as viewed on June 26, 2003 ; Includes bibliographical references ; Also available in print

This dissertation constructs a framework for understanding the determinants of remittances. It develops the effects of multiple macro economic variables in one area in the Middle East on the remittances flows and the future development of (another Arab neighboring country) Egypt. The framework will explore the relationship between oil prices and remittances from oil based economies (mainly Saudi-Arabia, Kuwait and the Arab Emirates) to a labor exporting country (Egypt). It also highlights the impact of multiple variables affecting the flow of remittances from labor exporting Arab countries: (1) Prices of oil. (2) Oil revenues. (3) Differentials in deposit interest rate between the host and the home countries. (4) The income level in the host countries. (5) The income level in the home country. (6) Inflation rate in the home country. (7) Political instability in the area that might affect remittances flow from the host countries. These variables produce a three-outcome model, presented as three testable hypotheses. Workers' remittances in the Arab countries would be adversely affected by war in the Persian Gulf. Even though there is a tremendous increase in oil prices, remittances flow to Egypt from neighboring Arab countries will decrease. Political and economic factors circumscribe the future of demand for migrant labor (imported labor) and, consequently, growth of remittances in the labor-importing countries from labor-exporting countries. This will be explained by developing a number of econometric models to test the effect of macro economic variables on the flow of remittances. Remittance is the dependent variable and the independent variables are price of oil and political instability. Other macro variables will be added to the model to be tested as independent variables: the interest rate in Egypt and host countries, the inflation rate in Egypt, and the income level of the host and the home countries.

Cover title. ; Shipping list no.: 91-533-P. ; Includes bibliographical references and index. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

In recent decades, the Middle East Region has become the epicenter of the struggle between the world's leading powers to establish strategic control over it. Speaking about the geostrategic attractiveness of the Middle East, it is safe to assume that it is dictated not only by its unique natural resource potential. From the beginning of the Cold War until its end, the Middle East was one of the most "hot spots" in the world. Superpowers have fought for influence in the Middle East, putting serious pressure on direct participants in international relations within the region. After the end of the Cold War, and because Russia no longer had such an influential position in the international arena as the USSR once had, European countries are rapidly returning to the Middle East region, but no longer as separate states, but as the European Union — the only force capable of competing or, for the opportunity or necessity, cooperating with other countries [4].

This brief will focus on some of the major issues concerning Middle-Eastern Americans and the Criminal Justice system. It can be thought of as examining two aspects of the relationship between these two: an overly passive set of protections provided by the Criminal Justice system, and an overly active, racially biased set of power extensions within the Criminal Justice system as warranted by the Federal Government.

I discuss how the term "Middle Eastern American" does not connote a singular political entity in the American political system. I also convey an underlying issue with "Middle Eastern American" as a definitive group in the American political landscape, as well as the shift in party affiliation in the early 21st century among Arab Americans.

Until very recently, health care in conflict settings was based on a model developed in the second half of the twentieth century. Things have changed, and present civil wars, such as those that are currently taking place in the Middle East, do not address the complexity of the ongoing armed conflicts in countries such as Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan. These conflicts have caused a significant increase in the number of refugees in the region, as well as in Europe. Hundreds of thousands of refugees succeed in settling in mid- and north-European countries, and their health issues are becoming of great importance. Refugees in Europe in the twenty-first century do not suffer so much from infectious diseases but more from noninfectious chronic diseases such as diabetes, cardiac disease, and cancer. These facts profoundly alter the demographics and disease burden of hostility-derived migrants. Thus, host European countries face situations they have never faced before. Hence, new approaches and strategies are urgently needed to cope with this new situation. The efforts to absorb refugees of different traditions and cultural backgrounds often cause increasing ethnic and religious tensions, which frequently escort the emergence of social violence. To date, little attention has been paid to the overall load of distress being experienced, especially among the first-generation refugees. The current ongoing hostilities in the Middle East induce a long-term health impact on people expelled from their homes, communities, traditions, and cultural environment. The realization of collective suffering forces communities and governmental health agencies to develop new programs that include social determinants to overcome the severe cultural gaps of the newcomers in their new European host countries.

This brief will explore the relationships between Middle-Eastern Americans and US criminal justice by focusing essentially on the way anti-terrorist and immigration legislation have affected this group since 9/11, and how they responded to it. Particular attention will be given to Arab and Muslim Americans, who were especially impacted by these policies.

Complex historical, ideological, political, and military factors have created a vicious circle of mutual threat perception in the Middle East, so that every action, whether political or military, by the protagonists contributes to a process that generates increased fear and suspicion among them. Is there a way to break this vicious circle? Guardedly, the short answer is yes. There are now historic opportunities, created both by the Gulf War in 1991, and by the end of the Cold War which have minimized, if not actually eliminated, the rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union in the Middle East. The new detente heralds an era of superpower cooperation that seeks to reduce and resolve regional conflicts. The prospects for controlling the Arab-Israeli conflict are now much better than at any time in its history. It would be a tragic error on the part of any country, regional or not, to miss this opportunity to move away from conflict and toward cooperation.

International conference on Women, Water and Peace in the Middle East, which was convened at MEF campus on 18-19 March 2016 was co-hosted by MEF University, Istanbul and the Strategic Foresight Group (SFG), Mumbai with support from the Swedish International Development Agency, Stockholm. The meeting brought together 60 thought leaders and women opinion makers from Iraq, Jordan Lebanon and Turkey as key participants, including former Ministers, Members of Parliament, government officials, academics and editors of newspapers. ; the Swedish International Development Agency, Stockholm.

Since the end of the Cold War, European security concerns have focused increasingly on the potential for instability on Europe's southern flank. In 1995, the European Union developed a framework for cooperation with the southern Mediterranean nations. These efforts have included some relatively ineffective programs to promote democracy in the region. In the aftermath of 9/11, the goal of encouraging the development of Middle East democracy has acquired greater urgency, not least in the eyes of the United States, which has bolstered its own efforts to spur democratic reform. ; "October 2004." ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Since the end of the Cold War, European security concerns have focused increasingly on the potential for instability on Europe's southern flank. In 1995, the European Union developed a framework for cooperation with the southern Mediterranean nations. These efforts have included some relatively ineffective programs to promote democracy in the region. In the aftermath of 9/11, the goal of encouraging the development of Middle East democracy has acquired greater urgency, not least in the eyes of the United States, which has bolstered its own efforts to spur democratic reform. ; Mode of access: Internet.

A review of Helicobacter pylori in the Middle East is presented. Prevalence studies have been performed in asymptomatic population groups from Algeria, Israel, Saudi Arabia and Turkey. These showed that the prevalence of H. pylori is similar to that of the developing countries of the world with a high level of infection in childhood (40 to 70 percent), which increases with age to 85 to 90 percent. Israel, however, has a low prevalence in children (10 percent), but there is a rapid rise in the second decade of life to 39 percent, reaching 79 percent in those over 60 years old. The prevalence rates were higher in those living in communal settlements (72 percent) than in urban dwellers (65 percent). The infection rates were higher in persons of Mediterranean and Asian origin (89 percent) compared to those of Western European/North American origin (57 percent). The prevalence rate of H. pylori infection in patients undergoing endoscopy for upper gastrointestinal symptoms has now been reported from many Middle Eastern countries, including Egypt, Iran, Israel, Oman, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Yemen. These studies showed that patients with gastritis and peptic ulcer disease had similar rates of infection as reported from Europe, United States and Africa (71 to 92 percent). However, patients with non-ulcer dyspepsia had higher rates of infection (61 to 89 percent). The H. pylori scenario from the prevalence rates, treatment protocols and responses to treatment does not differ very much from other developing areas of the world.

Water shortages have been for a long time a serious problem in the Middle East as well as other parts of the world. The large and arid land of the Middle East has also been dependant on water which is provided by few rivers. This issue has been tackled by researchers, orientalists and exploration associations (Palestine Exploration Fund 1882, and Oliphant, 1880). The aim of this paper is to tackle ways of managing and solving chromic water shortages and hydropolitical tensions in the Middle East. None of the Middle Eastern Countries enjoys water surplus with exception of Turkey. Fortunately, some Arab countries such as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, United Arab Emirates and Oman which suffers from water shortages enjoys fuel surplus. These countries are trying to solve their water shortages by using underground water and heavily investing in water desalination. Other countries like Palestine, Lebanon, Syria and Iraq are losing their grip on their national water as a result of sever and perpetuated conflicts which have never ended since the First World War. In terms of technological progress Middle Eastern countries are also differentiated. In this respect, Turkey managed to develop itself and upgrade its social and economic conditions, but most of Arab countries are lacking behind. All of Middle Eastern countries enjoy and share rich cultural heritages related to water management and consumption. Such a richness will help to upgrade peoples' awareness regarding water consumptions and uses in different economic sectors. Middle Eastern countries suffer from physical water scarcity and the neighboring regions in Africa, Europe and Latin America suffers from economic water scarcity. In addition the regions are of little or no water scarcity lie in Northern Eurasia and Antarctica. As a result of these differences, this paper will suggest ways in which concerned countries and professional organizations may take part in bridging the gap between such physical and economic water scarcities. A projected model of cooperation between Middle Eastern countries in terms of natural resources, cultural, economic, and social enterprises needs to be developed. In addition, International community has to take part in introducing solutions to conflicts of Arabs and Israel, Iraq, Iran, Cyprus, Afghanistan, and Yemen.

Concepts of security, conflict and war lie at the heart of the international relations discipline. These concepts have gained tremendous attention either by the end of the Cold War or after the attacks of 9/11 on the United States. This thesis examines the various theories of security in the literature and demonstrates the importance of the region as a crucial level of analysis in International Relations. The primary objective of this thesis is to explore security structures in the Middle East. This region, which is known for its paramount security problems, has long been an area of conflict and turbulence. Since 1948, the region has been witnessing an average of a war every ten years, and since 1975, two wars every ten years, if civil wars are counted. Similarly, on the strategic level, the Middle East is one of the most heavily militarized regions in the world with the highest rate of arms purchase, which aggravates its acute security dilemma. The result of this study highlights the importance of studying security characteristics of the Middle East states, which is totally different from the developed countries' security agenda in general, and other developing countries in particular. The conclusion contends that the "multidimensional" security problems of the Middle East region can not be easily understood through one theory. Rather a blend of theories or "amalgamated theories" only can offer a plausible and adequate explanation for understanding the security complexities of the Middle East. This can also help in achieving a "security community" in the region, which is of great importance nowadays due to the great challenges imposed on the region either externally or internally.