Nel saggio viene preso in considerazione il rapporto tra etnie e confessioni religiose in Medio-oriente, che sono alla base delle motivazioni che determinano la precarietà del quadro politico, la difficoltà di realizzare uno stato laico stante l'incidenza socio-politica del fatto religioso. Si esaminano la matrice e le conseguenze degli atti bellici e di terrorismo perpetrati sia in Medio-oriente, sia in Occidente, proponendone la diversa natura e finalità. The essay considers the relation between ethnic groups and religious confessions in the Middle East, which are the basis for the motivations that determine the uncertainty of the political framework, and the difficulty of achieving a secular state due to the socio-political incidence of religion. Origin and consequences of war and terrorist acts committed both in the Middle East and in the West are examined, proposing the different nature and purpose.
This paper aims to analyze how WWI affected the political environment in the Middle East. Geographically speaking, it focuses on the Bilad al-Sham region, a section of Fertile Crescent that can be named as the birthplace of Arab Nationalism. During the end of the XIX Century, an Arab awareness begins to arise in the Middle East, mainly troughout the political and economic links and relations between Europe and Ottoman Empire. This Arab feeling develops into Arab nationalism after and as a consequence of it. The issue is analyzed at both the historical and ideological levels: along with the analysis of the main historical events during WWI that contribute to the rise of Arab nationalism, such as the Skyes-Picot agreements and the Arab Revolt, the paper focuses also on the ideology of Sati al-Husri, one of the main ideologues of Arab nationalism.
The geopolitical framework of the Middle East has radically changed from 2000 until now. If there is an aspect that has remained the same has been the special relationship between the US and Israel. However, even the State of Israel, as a result of the military adventurism of the Washington, has had to deal with the rise of other countries in the region. The Russian Federation led by Vladimir Putin, after years of economic growth, has successfully returned in the Mideast. For this reason, Israel has had to deepen its relations with Russia. In this thesis I analize how the United States, that are now weaker and less interested in the Middle East, has reacted to the Russian comeback in that area of the World and how the special relationship with Israel has changed, in front of the deepening of the Russian-Israeli relations and in response to the new threats that have emerged.
La tesi esplora i rapporti del fascismo con i culti a-cattolici e mediorientali, oltre che con alcuni fenomeni politico-spirituali dell'Estremo Oriente. Essa muove da questi interrogativi: quali erano nel fascismo i legami tra il pensiero e l'azione? Quale ruolo era riconosciuto allo "spirito"? Il regime intendeva creare una religione politica? E' esistito un sincretismo fascista? La fonte principale della tesi è costituita dalle riviste politiche del regime, che consentono di cogliere le finalità strategiche della politica religiosa fascista. L'adozione di questa fonte ha sollevato ulteriori interrogativi: si può individuare nelle riviste una linea di pensiero univoca sulle religioni? Come contribuirono al sincretismo fascista? La tesi si articola in tre capitoli. Il primo è dedicato alla dottrina e alla mistica fascista, il secondo è relativo ai rapporti tra il fascismo e le confessioni a-cattoliche (evangelismo italiano, Chiesa ortodossa del Dodecanneso e Chiese copte eritrea ed etiopica), il terzo indaga invece i contatti con l'ebraismo e l'Islam e include una breve disamina dei rapporti tra il fascismo, il nazionalismo indiano, il gandhismo e il nazionalismo giapponese. La tesi illumina aspetti poco considerati del ventennio, che devono essere indagati per comprendere appieno l'ideologia del regime e la sua azione politica. ; The thesis explores the relationship between fascism and the non-catholic and middle-eastern cults, along with some political-spiritual phenomena of the Far East. It expands from these questions: what were the links between thought and action under fascism? What role was the "spirit" given? Did the regime intend to create a political religion? Has a fascist syncretism ever existed? The main source of the thesis is comprised of the political journals, which allow to understand the final goals of fascist religious politics. Its adoption has raised further questions: is it possible to identify a univocal thought on the religions in fascist journals? How did they contribute to the fascist syncretism? The thesis branches into three chapters. The first is dedicated to the fascist doctrine and mysticism, the second is pertaining to the relationship between fascism and the non-catholic denominations (Italian evangelicalism, the Orthodox Church of the Dodecanese, and Eritrean and Ethiopian Coptic Churches), the third investigates the contacts with Hebraism and Islam and includes an examination of the links between fascism, Indian nationalism, Gandhism and Japanese nationalism. The thesis illuminates unknown aspects of fascism, which must be investigated to fully comprehend the ideology of the regime and its political action.
During the British mandate in Palestine, the Italian Catholics campaigned for greater Italian involvement in the region's politics. To achieve this, the religious factors, linked with the necessity to guarantee Catholic rights to the Holy Places and the life of Catholic communities, were often used to reinforce Italian political ambitions. This policy was actively pursued before 1922, the year of the official establishment of the British mandate. Even after this, these issues continued to draw attention, gaining more importance during the periods of crisis such as the disturbances of 1929, the great Arab revolt (1936-1939) and at the beginning of the Second World War. In the same way, during the first Arab-Israeli war, in 1948, the Franciscan Delegation of the Holy Land in Rome pro-moted a campaign to form a so called «militia» to safeguard the Palestinian sanctuaries and protect Italian interests in the region. The aim of this article is to investigate how these national-religious attitudes changed over the tumultuous period of the British mandate, trying to understand if these campaigns had any influence on Italian policy in that region.
This volume contains the results of some studies presented by Egyptian and Italian scholars at the International Conference "Peacebuilding between East and West XI-XVI c.", organized in Cairo on, October 27, 2016 by the Egyptian Unity of research, as part of the academic activities of the Bilateral Project "History of Peace-building: peaceful relations between East and West (11th - 15th century)" carried out jointly by the Institute of the Mediterranean EuropeHistory of the CNR (Italy), and the University of Damanhour. The project is totally funded by the Academy of Scientific Research and Technology (ASRT)(1) of the Arab Republic of Egypt and the Italian National Research Council (CNR)(2).The purpose of the Bilateral Project - and even of the aforementioned International Conference- is to carry out research in order to examine through the study of different types of documentary and narrative sources; the nature, quantity and quality of peaceful relations between Christians and Muslims in a geographical area extending from the Iberian Peninsula to the Levantin a chronological interval between the eleventh and the fifteenth centuries. Needless to say that since it is an Italian-Egyptian project, the researchers will devote particular attention in their studies to the relations between these two geographical areas.In this book, we can find the first contributions of some scholars of the two Research Units on the important theme of the complex relationships between the Christian world and the Islamic one, which characterized almost all the Middle Ages and much of the Modern Age in the area gravitating around the Mediterranean Sea.The researchers' aim is to focus their studies on episodes, geographical areas, persons and moments which represent incidents and cases of peaceful coexistence and connection, with fruitful exchanges of various kinds of knowledge, even in a general context characterized by military, religious and ideological-cultural conflict. ; Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, Academy of Scientific Research & Technology ; editors in chief Prof. Ali Ahmed El-Sayed, Dr. Luciano Gallinari, Dr. Abdallah Abdel-Ati Al-Naggar ; Beiträge teilweise italienisch, teilweise arabisch in arabischer Schrift
The aim of this research is to investigate the work of ʿAlī Fayyāḍ, a prominent polit-ical and intellectual figure within Lebanese Hezbollah, and to analyse theoretical founda-tions of power and authority from a specific Shīʿa perspective. This will make it possible to reconstruct the nature of the relation between authority and religion, as well as its narration inside Hezbollah human environment, also with a view to comprehending the theory of po-litical authority through the study of the intellectual structure underpinning the religious au-thority. The intention is to go further the usual approaches of Security studies that all too often prevail in this research field.
The "revolutions" in the Arab world have forced us to radically revise our geopolitical concepts and ideological interpretations of what we call the "Greater Middle East". These were the result of an attempt to apply the basic principles of liberalism to a context radically different from its origins, and to spread them throughout a region that stretches from the Atlantic to the Hindukush. In general, the error was to think that democratic procedures could be exported without ensuring at the same time the conditions for strengthening democratic processes, and without waiting for them to acquire greater awareness and conviction in the societies concerned. The events of 2011 show that the West, and Europe in a special way, must pass from the rhetorical exportation of democracy to real democracy support, by strengthening the extremely fragile democracies coming to life in North Africa and the Middle East. ; Le "rivoluzioni" del mondo arabo obbligano a rivedere radicalmente un concetto geo-politico ed un postulato ideologico ormai superato, quello espresso dalle parole: "Ampio Medio Oriente". Esso corrispondeva al tentativo di applicare, in un contesto radicalmente diverso da quello originario, i principi fondamentali della filosofia politica del liberalismo, estendendoli a una regione compresa tra l'Atlantico e l'Hindukush. Più in generale, l'errore è stato quello di chi ritiene di poter esportare le procedure democratiche, senza parallelamente verificare le condizioni per rafforzare i processi democratici e senza attendere che essi emergessero ad un livello di maggior consapevolezza e convinzione nelle società interessate. I fatti del 2011 dimostrano che è necessario, per l'Occidente e, in particolare, per l'Europa, passare dalla retorica del democracy export, cioè dell'esportazione (anche forzata) della democrazia, alla concretezza del democracy support, vale a dire del sostegno alle nuove fragilissime democrazie nascenti in Nord Africa e in Medio Oriente.
Il testo suggerisce una riflessione sul ruolo degli studi umanistici, e nello specifico degli studi di orientalistica, di fronte a situazioni geopolitiche difficili. L'autore si interroga sullo scopo di tali studi, considerando sia il passato, sia i più recenti sviluppi politico-militari in Medio Oriente e nell'Asia Centrale. La riflessione riguarda anche l'attitudine etica e ideologica dello studioso di orientalistica, partendo dal presupposto che «credere tale mestiere avulso dalla storia» sarebbe illusorio, ma che d'altra parte non può esistere un'obiettività culturale, religiosa, politica e filosofica assoluta. ; The paper's goal is to stimulate a reflection on the role of Humanities, more specifically of Near Eastern and Oriental studies, facing critical geopolitical situations. The author wonders about the purpose of such studies, considering both past events and today's political and military developments in the Middle East and Central Asia. His analysis concerns the Orientalist's ethical and ideological attitude, on the assumption that «to believe such a Job divorced from history» would be an illusion, but on the other hand that an absolutely impartial way to assess cultural, religious, political and philosophical problems cannot exist at all.
During the past years both the political instability and the uncontrolled economic development in the Middle East caused several threats to the cultural heritage, including widespread looting and destruction of hundreds of archaeological sites, looting of museums, flooding of ancient settlements due to the construction of dams, damages to monuments and sites during armed conflicts. Notwithstanding the ongoing difficult condition of fieldwork, a new phase of archaeological research has begun with projects of landscape archaeology, excavations and extensive surveys carried out especially in Iraqi Kurdistan, allowing a detailed reconstruction of the settlement dynamics and historical development in the trans-Tigridian region, from the prehistory to the Islamic period. A new archaeological renaissance contributing to the process of peace-building through the empowerment of strong ties between the local communities and the cultural heritage.
The wave of protests that, starting from the end of 2010, hit some countries in the Middle- East North-Africa region, leading to the fall of long-standing autocratic regimes and referred to as the Arab Spring, has renewed the interests of researchers on youth bulges. The youth bulge theory links the demographic transition to political instability, by asserting that countries characterized by a particularly young population tend to be more vulnerable to political violence. The aim of the thesis is to test empirically this hypothesis on a sample of 160 countries in the post-World War II period. For this purpose, we adopt an econometric strategy alternative to the one prevailing in the literature on the determinants of civil conflicts: we employ a simple linear regression model which accounts for country and time fixed effects.
The article analyzes some of the many testimonies written by Italian pilgrims visiting the Holy Land between the Balfour Declaration (1917) and the promulgation of the conciliar declaration Nostra Aetate, dedicated to the relations between the Catholic Church and non Christian religions. Such an extended time frame allows to achieve two goals. The first is to identify the linguistic transformations in this literary corpus in regards to the representation of the Middle Eastern world through the travel books written by Christian pilgrims, a source so far unused. The second goal concerns the perception that the Catholics had of Judaism in its historical, political and religious dimension, and how these have changed over the decades. By analyzing the linguistic, cultural and ideologi-cal frames used in these travel accounts to describe the complex Palestinian reality first, and the Israeli one after, it will be possible to adopt a different perspective.
In the process of formation of modern Egypt contributions from cultures other than Egyptian were considerable. Throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries continuous flows of immigrants from Western and Middle-Eastern countries occurred. They were originated by a number of reasons, but all of them shared a common research of a safe place to work and thrive in. The governmental xenophile policies and the favourable economic conditions in the country allowed the setting up of large colonies and the professional integration of foreign specialists in public and private activities pivotal for the development of modern Egypt. The European model dominated in the reforming work started by Muhammad 'Ali, moulding the new ruling classes. At the same time a lively cosmopolitan society grew, leaving its mark in several fields of social, economic and cultural life. This age, long more than one hundred years, ended in a revolution that returned Egypt to the Egyptians, but did not erase its material and ideal legacy. ; 1 ; open ; Non definito ; open ; Avallone, Lucia ; Avallone, Lucia
Il Vertice del G8 di Sea Island, in Georgia, lanciò, nel 2004, un'iniziativa denominata Partnership for Progress and a Common Future in associazione con i Paesi del Medio Oriente Allargato e Nord Africa, Broader Middle East and North Africa (BMENA), la cui finalità risiedeva nel desiderio di sostenere, in tale ambito geo-politico, gli sviluppi di libertà, democrazia e prosperità. Entro tale quadro si è particolarmente sviluppata l'iniziativa denominata Dialogo di Assistenza per la Democrazia (DAD), di cui l'Italia è protagonista, insieme a Turchia e Yemen.La democrazia è o non è un bene "esportabile"? Forse no, ma è lecito proporla, salvaguardando il diritto dei Paesi interessati a procedere secondo propri ritmi e modalità.Allora iniziative internazionali come questa possono essere utili. Ma, come molti processi internazionali avviati in scenari geo-strategici complessi, il DAD potrà avere un impatto insufficiente oppure potrà contribuire a favorevoli sviluppi presso le società dei Paesi interessati: molto dipenderà da quanto i diversi attori ci crederanno e vorranno impegnarvisi. (Note a cura di Laura Quadarella)
On the third centenary of the birth of Vitaliano Donati (1717-1762), a tribute to his scientific position in the history of the Piedmontese sciences is due. He was born in Padua, where he obtained his doctorate in medicine under the guide of Giambattista Morgagni and was fascinated by the naturalists A. Vallisnieri jr. and G. Pontedera. Following his professor G. Poleni, charged by the pope Benedict XIV to consolidate St. Peter dome, he met the pontifex archiater Leprotti, who invited him to explore South Italy for collecting naturalistic samples. Stopped by the plague, Donati returned back and made some explorations along the Dalmatian coast where he made very important discoveries about the Adria Natural History. Well known in the European scientific community, Donati was called by Carlo Emanuele III to the chair of Botany at the Turin University (1750). After his explorations in the Western Alps the king entrusted him a scientific expedition through Egypt, Middle East and Far East. In spite of political difficulties and problems caused by the participants, this voyage led to important results not only in botany and zoology, but also in archaeology. The array of evidence constituted the first nucleus of the Egyptian collections of the Kingdom of Sardinia. Unfortunately Donati died during the crossing of the Indian Ocean and was buried in Goa.
