This special issue of NJMR contributes to the field of Nordic migration research by investigating the intersections between migration, affect and biopolitics. Affective biopolitics is a term that grapples with how the construction, policing and maintenance of borders increasingly occur through the structuring and production of emotion or 'affects'. The point is not that affect replaces racism as the caesura between life and death (Foucault 2003). Rather, affective biopolitics examines the connections between affect and racism (Ahmed 2000, 2004b, 2010) which allow for bio- and necropower (Mbembe 2003) to expose some populations to death while other populations are afforded mobility and access to rights and resources.
Internationale Migration führt dazu, dass Wohnbevölkerung und Staatsvolk zunehmend weniger übereinstimmen. Immer mehr Staatsbürger/innen leben außerhalb der Grenzen des Landes und ein wachsender Teil der Wohnbevölkerung besteht aus Nicht-Staatsbürger/innen. Wie groß diese Diskrepanzen sind, hängt nicht nur von Wanderungsbewegungen ab, sondern auch von den Regeln für den Erwerb und Verlust der Staatsangehörigkeit. Dieses Buch untersucht den Zusammenhang zwischen Migration, Staatsbürgerschaft und Wahlrecht aus rechtlicher, historischer, sozialwissenschaftlicher und demokratietheoretischer Perspektive. Die einzelnen Kapitel behandeln den Erwerb der Staatsbürgerschaft bei Geburt und durch Einbürgerung, den Verlust durch Verzicht oder staatliche Aberkennung, den staatlichen Umgang mit mehrfacher Staatsbürgerschaft und die Ausweitung von Wahlrechten für Nicht-Staatsbürger/innen. Im Vordergrund steht die österreichische Situation im internationalen Vergleich. Dabei zeigt sich, dass Österreich hinter anderen Einwanderungsstaaten bei der Öffnung der Staatsbürgerschaft für Immigranten und Immigrantinnen, der Akzeptanz von Doppelstaatsbürgerschaft und der Ausweitung von Wahlrechten weit zurückbleibt. Die Autoren argumentieren, dass der Zugang zur Staatsbürgerschaft und die Akzeptanz von Doppelstaatsbürgerschaften nicht nur für die Integration von Immigranten und Immigrantinnen von entscheidender Bedeutung ist, sondern auch für die Legitimität demokratischer Institutionen im Einwanderungsland Österreich. ; This book examines the relation between migration, citizenship and voting rights from legal, historical, social science and democratic theory perspectives. Its focus is on the situation in Austria in international comparison. The authors argue that access to citizenship and acceptance of dual citizenship are not only crucially important for the integration of immigrants but also for the legitimacy of democratic institutions in Austria as an immigration country.
Migrations have intensified in contemporary society, due to the process of globalization which deepens the interdependence of economies and strengthens transnational networks, facilitating the labor insertion of qualified people. The popularization of ICT also reinforces the processes of cultural hybridization and shortens distances. However, the speeches of influential politicians and the mass media frame the presence of foreigners as a threat, while these speeches hide the positive effects of migrations, both to the host country and to the origin country. The purpose of this document is to review the relationship between international migration and human development from two points of view: co-development, which involves migrants as promoters of development, and dependency theory, which affirms that migrations reinforce poverty in their territories of origin. In some host countries, there are policies to select migrants with higher education and financial resources, while the entry of low-skilled migrants is not allowed; this entry is attracted by higher wages, as well as by people seeking asylum. ; En la sociedad contemporánea las migraciones se han intensificado debido al proceso de globalización por el cual las economías se vuelven interdependientes y se tejen redes de trabajo transnacionales, que facilitan la inserción laboral de personas cualificadas, aunado a la popularización de las TIC, las cuales se han vuelto omnipresentes, refuerzan procesos de hibridación cultural y permiten «acercar distancias». Sin embargo, la presencia del extranjero se sigue encuadrando como una amenaza en los discursos de políticos influyentes y en los medios masivos de comunicación, quienes desconocen los efectos positivos que las migraciones pueden aportar, desde el punto de vista económico, cultural, educativo y en la promoción del desarrollo humano. En el presente artículo se realiza una revisión crítica de la literatura sobre la correlación entre migraciones internacionales y desarrollo humano, la cual se puede enfocar desde dos puntos de vista: el codesarrollo, que involucra a los migrantes como promotores del desarrollo, o desde la teoría de la dependencia, que afirma que las migraciones refuerzan el círculo vicioso de la pobreza de sus territorios de origen. Se destaca que los países receptores tienen políticas para seleccionar migrantes con estudios superiores y con recursos financieros, mientras que son reacios a recibir migrantes laborales poco cualificados, atraídos por mejores salarios, así como también se obstruye la entrada a personas que solicitan refugio, ante la necesidad de protección de sus Derechos Humanos. ; This work was conducted within the framework of Alfamed (Interuniversity EuroAmerican Network of Investigation in Media Competences for the Citizenship), with the support of the Coordinated Project I+D+I "Media Competencies of the Citizenry in Digital Emerging Media (smartphones and tablets): innovative practices and Educommunicative strategies in multiple Contexts" (EDU2015-64015C3-1-R) (MINECO/FEDER), and the "Media Education Network" of the State Program of Scientific and Technical Research Excellency, State sub-program of Knowledge Generation (EDU2016-81772-REDT), financed by the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) and the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness.
We study the effects of more open borders on return migration and show that migrants are more likely to return to the origin country when migration rules are softened, because this implies that they could more easily re-migrate if return migration is unsuccessful. As a result, softening migration rules leads to lower net inflows than is generally acknowledged. We show that if government follows rules to shape the optimal migration policy, it will choose more open "borders" than were its behaviour to be discretionary. However, this requires an appropriate commitment technology. We show that electoral accountability may be a solution to the commitment problem. As a matter of fact, observed softer immigration rules in western countries suggest the effectiveness of such a mechanism. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Southern European countries, especially those which are EU members, share similar migration histories, being traditionally countries of emigration but now having to deal with large numbers of immigrants, many of whom arrive via irregular channels facilitated by smugglers, or enter by legitimate means as tourists and then overstay. This paper introduces a special issue of this journal on the theme of irregular migration. It starts by recounting the implications of the recent (October 2013) Lampedusa tragedy. The remainder of the paper is in three parts. We first explore the flexible concept of irregular migration, including questions of definition and migration policy – especially the policy of regularisation, which has been widespread in the four largest Southern EU states. Next, we describe what has been called the 'Southern European Model of Migration' and its constituent elements and theoretical foundations, a key part of which is the dynamic interrelationship between irregular migration and the informal economy. Finally, we introduce the six papers that follow, highlighting their key findings and significant research contributions.
Ukraine is ranked highly among emigration countries and in particular among countries supplying labor migrants to the EU and Russia. The slumping economy and deteriorating political situation with an increasing number of authoritarian traits logically evoke the question of how non-economic motivation factors impact migration aspirations in Ukraine. The worsening human rights situation in the country is, in a way, seen as a separate matter and is not always associated with migration. This article is aimed to explore whether human rights violations exert an impact on the migration aspirations of people in Ukraine, in the context of a continually stagnant Ukrainian economy. Economy and human rights are not taken here as different ends of the spectrum; in particular, human rights are not reduced to "physical integrity rights". This topic is studied based on a case study which included 4 research locations in Ukraine, which differ with respect to their migration profile.
This article aims to present an overview of the literature on return migration. Through combining the perspectives of various disciplines, notably economy, sociology, and psychology, the main theoretical issues, studies and findings in the field of remigration are presented. In this paper, we concentrate on traditional immigrants with a 'pull' incentive (e.g., labor migrants) who migrated mostly for economic or sometimes educational reasons rather than the immigrants who are forced from their own countries and 'pushed' (e.g., political refugees) into a new environment (Ward, Bochner, & Furnham, 2001). We address the strengths and the weaknesses of the extant models and theories in explaining the causes and the consequences of the remigration experiences of the traditional migrants. Finally, drawing from a study of Turkish return migration from Western Europe, we discuss the contextual conditions such as attitudes of mainstream groups in the remigration country which are salient moderators of the acculturation process and which makes return migration different from migration.
International migration is an expensive form of investment, that only households relatively better off can afford. However poorer households have the higher incentive to migrate. Migration decision is conditional on the entry cost, expected returns and risks of migration. This paper, using data from Mexican rural and urban areas, examines the relation between household and community networks and costs and risks of migration focusing on the optimal investment in migration. To investigate an household optimal number of migrants this paper introduces a Three Step procedure to solve simultaneously for the endogeneity of network size and possible selection of migrants. The analysis confirms the inverted U-shaped relation between wealth and migration, stressing the importance of networks particularly in facilitating the migration of social strata belonging to the left tail of the income distribution. Moreover, in presence of sunk costs and/or high initial investment, household and community networks accomplish different functions.
Die vorliegende Arbeit versucht ausgehend von der Perspektive der AkteurInnen der Asylpolitik im Südburgenland die Frage zu klären, in welchem Verhältnis Migration und Zivilgesellschaft in diesem spezifischen Handlungsfeld stehen. Bereits in der theoretischen Auseinandersetzung mit dem Konzept der Zivilgesellschaft von Antonio Gramsci wird deutlich, dass Staat und Zivilgesellschaft nur mehr bedingt als zwei unterschiedliche gesellschaftliche Sphären beschrieben werden können. Die engen Verflechtungen zwischen öffentlicher Meinung, staatlichen AkteurInnen und zivilgesellschaftlichem Engagement im Bereich Asyl werden in der Arbeit ausführlich dargestellt. Für die Beantwortung der Forschungsfragen wird ein mehrstufiges Forschungsdesign herangezogen. Die Erhebung orientiert sich an den Prinzipien der qualitativen Netzwerkanalyse. In drei Erhebungsschritten werden handelnde AkteurInnen, Flüchtlinge und externe ExpertInnen mittels qualitativen Interviews befragt. Die empirischen Ergebnisse aus dem Südburgenland belegen die These, dass Zivilgesellschaft und Staat im Bereich der Asylpolitik eng zusammenarbeiten und vielfältige Verbindungen zwischen den beiden Sphären bestehen. Das Engagement für Flüchtlinge wird ausgehend von zentralen lebensweltlichen Dimensionen in seinen Vernetzungen und Verflechtungen dargestellt. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass ein breites thematisches Angebot an Unterstützungs- und Hilfsnetzwerken im Südburgenland vorhanden ist, der Zugang zu ebendiesen Unterstützungsleistungen aber vielfach von zufälligen Faktoren bestimmt wird. Strukturierte Zugänge zu Netzwerken fehlen weitgehend. Eine wesentliche Bedeutung für die Flüchtlingsarbeit kommt den strukturellen Bedingungen des ländlichen Raumes zu. Im südlichen Burgenland ist auf Ebene der Flüchtlinge, der hoheitsrechtlichen AkteurInnen ebenso wie auf Ebene der NPOs ein Strukturwandel zu beobachten. ; The following master thesis aims to clarify the question of asylum politics in South-Burgenland about how migration and civil society cooperate in this specific sphere of activity. All of the findings made due to this thesis are based on experiences and on the perspective of people working in this field or dealing with asylum politics.As early as Antonio Gramsci stated that state and civil society can hardly be distinguished as two different social spheres, it is obvious that close cooperation between governmental players and social dedication is getting more and more important. Therefore this thesis aims exactly this cooperation to come to the fore. For answering the research question a multi-tiered study design is used. The survey orientates on the principles of qualitative network analysis. In three different steps of the survey people working in this field, refugees and external experts are interviewed. The empirical findings made in South-Burgenland prove the assumption, that civil society and the state have to work together closely in the field of asylum politics and that various interconnections between those two exist. The dedication for refugees is shown with all its interconnectedness and linkages. On the one hand, the findings show that a great range of offerings of supporting networks does exist in South-Burgenland, but on the other hand the access to those networks often depends on haphazard factors. Structured access is mostly missing. An essential factor contributing to the current working situation in South-Burgenland is the structural condition of a rural environment. Nevertheless a structural change regarding refugees, governmental players as well as NPOs is seen in South-Burgenland. ; vorgelegt von Esther Brossmann ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassung in dt. und engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Masterarb., 2014 ; (VLID)242960
For the past fifty years, immigration law has resisted integration of Gideon v.Wainwright's legacy of appointed counsel for the poor. Today, however, this resistance has given way to Gideon's migration. At the level of everyday practice, criminal defense attorneys appointed pursuant to Gideon now advise clients on the immigration consequences of convictions, negotiate "immigration safe" plea bargains, defend clients charged with immigration crimes, and, in some model programs, even represent criminal defendants in immigration court. A formal right to appointed counsel in immigration proceedings has yet to be established, but proposals grounded in the constitution, statutes, and expanded government funding are gaining momentum. From the perspective of criminal defense, the changing role of Gideon-appointed counsel raises questions about the breadth and depth of immigration assistance that should develop under the defense umbrella. From the perspective of immigration legal services, the potential importation of a Gideon-inspired right to counsel requires consideration of the appropriate scope and design for an immigration defender system. This Essay does not attempt to resolve these challenging questions, but rather provides a framework for further reflection grounded in lessons learned from the criminal system's implementation of Gideon.
In the EU, a new discussion on temporary labour migration is underway, set in motion by a German-French initiative of Ministers of the Interior Wolfgang Schäuble and Nicholas Sarkozy. Their proposal: that the EU states work more closely both to combat illegal migration and to control legal migration, especially by fostering 'circular migration'. The latter idea in particular has been met with criticism. Yet this critical perspective overlooks the fact that the initiative has injected new momentum into the halting development of a European migration policy. At the same time, key aspects must still be clarified to provide a foundation for a sustainable immigration policy. The debate on the open questions should be pushed further, both within the Council and in the other EU institutions.(SWP Comments / SWP)
An abundant body of research focused on macrolevel, mesolevel, and microlevel factors explaining why individuals move across international borders. In this paper, we aim to complement the existing literature by exploring how, within a single country, mesolevel factors differently impact migration aspirations, focusing on a case study of Ukraine. We particularly focus on how migration aspirations of individuals in two different regions can be explained by their international social networks with family members, on the one hand, and with friends, on the other. Furthermore, we explore whether regional migration characteristics play a role, as well as the interaction of such characteristics with individuals' frequency of contact with transnational networks. Our analyses are based on the EUMAGINE project and suggest that the interplay between regional migration characteristics and transnational social contact are key for explaining the decline of migration systems over time.
Das demokratische System ist ein Bezugssystem, für welches die Medien kommunikative Leistungen erbringen. So werden Medien normativ danach bewertet, inwieweit sie zur Realisierung demokratischer Prinzipien beitragen. In diesem Sinne steuern Fernsehnachrichten zu einem "climate of opinion" bei (Hartley 1982: 56). Die Bedeutung der Fernsehnachrichten drückt sich auch in der kommunikationswissenschaftlichen Forschung in einer Vielzahl von Studien aus, die Nachrichten zum Gegenstand ihrer Untersuchung haben. Das vorliegende Forschungsprojekt konzentriert sich auf die Analyse der inhaltlichen Merkmale von Fernsehnachrichtensendungen. Die konkrete Zielsetzung des Projekts besteht darin, die Qualität privat-kommerzieller Hauptnachrichtensendungen in den Ländern Deutschland, Spanien und den USA zu untersuchen und zu vergleichen. Die Herleitung der Zielsetzung, die notwendige Eingrenzung des Untersuchungsgegenstands sowie die Ableitung der Qualitätskriterien spiegeln sich im Aufbau des theoretischen Teils der Arbeit, vom Forschungsstand bis hin zur Funktion der Medien in der westlichen Demokratie und der Operationalisierung des Qualitätsbegriffs, wider. Im Mittelpunkt steht die Frage, inwiefern sich die Qualität privat-kommerzieller Hauptnachrichtensendungen in verschiedenen Ländern hinsichtlich ihrer demokratiefördernden Rolle ähnelt oder unterscheidet. ; (VLID)2031104
For the past fifty years, immigration law has resisted integration ofGideon v. Wainwright's legacy of appointed counsel for the poor. Today, however, this resistance has given way toGideon's migration. At the level of everyday practice, criminal defense attorneys appointed pursuant to Gideon now advise clients on the immigration consequences of convictions, negotiate"immigration safe" plea bargains, defend clients charged with immigration crimes, and, in some model programs, even represent criminal defendants in immigration court. A formal right to appointed counsel in immigration proceedings has yet to be established, but proposals grounded in the constitution, statutes, and expanded government funding are gaining momentum.From the perspective of criminal defense, the changing role of Gideon-appointed counsel raises questions about the breadth and depth of immigration assistance that should developunder the defense umbrella. From the perspective of immigration legal services, the potential importation of aGideon-inspired right to counsel requires consideration of the appropriate scope and design for an immigration defender system. This Essay does not attempt to resolve these challenging questions, but rather provides a framework for further reflection grounded in lessons learned from the criminal system's implementation ofGideon.
This study explores the global regulative function of migration politics. Its main aim is to rethink migration politics through an engagement with the Foucauldian governmentality perspective, which focuses on the relation between government and thought. A secondary aim is to use this perspective to explore the global description of migration and migration politics which is emerging with the currently evolving global governance of migration. Doing so, it wishes to contribute both to the study of global governmentality, i.e. to the orientation of research which applies elements from governmentality in order to understand global processes of rule, and to the study of the global governance of migration. The task is addressed at three different levels of abstraction. First, it elaborates on an understanding of the state system as a governmental regime aiming at regulating the world population, in order to understand the sovereign prerogative to control migration therein. Second, it places the regulation of movement within the historical continuity of governmental concerns with managing circulation. Third, it explores current governmental thought on migration, to this end tracing the political rationality of governing migration from the global description of migration and migration politics. Its findings suggest that when the circulation of migration is addressed as a global concern, it is being conceptualized in a way which both furthers and modifies state system governmentality. Migration is understood as a normal rather than an exceptional feature of world affairs, and societies are recognized as to a significant degree transnational in character. The commonly used term "migration management" suggests the need to take control over movements in this context. It also signals the possibility for finding rational solutions in order to optimize migration, maximizing its potential benefits and minimizing its associated dangers.
