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Shōka, the Japanese term for School Song, is an innovation of the early Meiji Period. Both, the term and the music genre, had become a necessity following the promulgation of the Education Law in 1872 which stipulated that music had to be an obligatory subject in elementary and secondary schools. Its implementation had to be postponed, however, because in traditional Japanese music there were no songs with easily singable melodies and understandable texts suitable for school children. Such songs had, therefore, to be commissioned, composed or authorized by a department of the Education Ministry, called "Music Investigation Committee" (Ongaku Torishirabe Gakari), created especially for this purpose. ; Shōka, the Japanese term for School Song, is an innovation of the early Meiji Period. Both, the term and the music genre, had become a necessity following the promulgation of the Education Law in 1872 which stipulated that music had to be an obligatory subject in elementary and secondary schools. Its implementation had to be postponed, however, because in traditional Japanese music there were no songs with easily singable melodies and understandable texts suitable for school children. Such songs had, therefore, to be commissioned, composed or authorized by a department of the Education Ministry, called "Music Investigation Committee" (Ongaku Torishirabe Gakari), created especially for this purpose.

Signed: Gualtiero Sarfatti. ; Extract from Rivista di psicologia applicata. Anno VII, num. 1, 1911. ; Caption title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

I. Pace e guerra alla fine del secolo XIX.--II. La società militare barbarica. L'orda.--III. Le civiltà militari.--IV. La vita sociale nella civiltà militari.--V. La decadenza e rovina degli imperi militari. L'impero turco.--VI. Napoleone.--VII. Militarismo e cesarismo in Francia.--VIII. Il militarismo italiano.--IX. Il Militarismo inglese e tedesco.--X. Dal passato all'avvenire. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This paper questions dominant analyses about Libya's present 'war economy' and 'statelessness', which are often deployed to explain the country's ongoing destruction. By reinterpreting the history of the past as the failure of Libya to implement neoliberal reforms, these accounts trivialise its antiimperialist history. The article reflects on the role that war and militarism play in the US-led imperialist structure, tracing the gradual unmaking of Libya from the progressive revolutionary era, towards its transformation into a comprador state and an outpost for global class war. In doing so, it moves the focus away from Libya's 'war economy' to examine the war and the economy, linking Libya's fate to the geoeconomic and geopolitical forces at the core of US-led imperialism. ; This is a Italian translation of an article previously published in English in the Review of African Political Economy, 2020, DOI:10.1080/03056244.2020.1801405.

A summary of the items published by La Voce and L'Unità Problemi della Vita Italiana during the first year of WWI about German propaganda, German militarism and the relationship between Italy and Germany during WWI.

With reference to Thomas Mann's Betrachtungen eines Unpolitischen the present paper addresses the controversial question: who is the unpolitisch? The topic is developed in three steps. The first one points out the inherent ambiguity of the concept, artistically thought by Mann as a part of a broader cultural issue typifying the German spirit. The second part focuses on the peculiarity of Mann's comprehension of the unpolitisch, both distinguishing it from other concepts with which it is often confused (apolitical, anti-political), and identifying its conceptual structure. This is pinpointed in the simultaneous presence of divergent attitudes and perspectives, making Mann's view of the world always "double", pluralistic, stratified, and multidimensional – intrinsically ambiguous. Finally, the third section parallels Mann's viewpoint with one of the most recent theories about the unpolitisch, that of the Italian philosopher Roberto Esposito. What ensues is a framework accounting for Mann's ambivalent and paradoxical stance in front of the war and the Reich policy of his time, justified in the name of the fight for the "proper" German culture.

Since the late Thirties, Hemingway starts being appreciated in Italy as the most powerful interpreter of the vitality of American modernism, both by an increasingly large audience, and by a considerable number of writers. Thanks to its style distant from the rhetoric of militarism, in the immediate aftermath of World War II, A Farewell to Arms becomes an aesthetic and political model for writers like Pavese and Vittorini, as well as for a promising younger author like Italo Calvino. Hemingway's success is largely due to his spare and reticent narration—a perfect mode to convey the existential void generated by the absurdity of war. ; La grande vitalità del modernismo americano trova in Hemingway un interprete particolarmente apprezzato nell'Italia del primo dopoguerra e un modello per una vasta platea di scrittori già affermati e di figure emergenti. Il suo rifiuto della retorica militarista in A Farewell to Armsdiventa una lezione estetica e politica per scrittori come Pavese e Vittorini e per chi, come Calvino, si avicina al romanzo immediatamente dopo la seconda guerra mondiale. Il successo di Hemingway è in larga parte dovuto all'uso di una narrazione scarna e reticente, scelta che si adatta perfettamente a rappresentare il vuoto esistenziale generato dall'assurdità della guerra.

UID/FIL/00183/2019 ; Marxist internationalism was grounded in the cosmopolitan scope of capitalism, on the interdependences it created between national economies, and on the belief that it would collapse under its own contradictions. While the rst two tenets maintain their validity, the latter currently does not rests on a convincing scienti c basis. ere is nevertheless ample scope for positively retrieving the internationalist idea with practical implications, as shows the example of macroeconomic cooperation within the European Union. European integration is stuck on the cliff of a new mercantilism. Member states see European economy as the theatre of a competition between national economies, each seeking to maximize exports and to gain new market shares. Relations of economic power model the political relations among partners, design hierarchies, and result in economic and cultural hegemonies. On the eve of World War I, the socialist front broke on the political and cultural response to economic nationalism, mercantilism, and militarism, splitting between those who aligned with national interests and those who remained true to internationalism, from the vantage point of which nation- al con icts mirrored radical class con icts. e dilemma that confronts the present-day left is similar, and a consistent part of it is tempted to answer the continental crisis taking a clear step away from internationalism. Sovranism, i.e. unwinding European integration in the hope to take back national sovereignty, in particular, goes along with scepticism or open hostility to the common currency. Sovranist claims rest, however, both on a radical misappreciation of the factors that weighted on the eurozone crisis and on a defensive, rather than a progressive, attitude towards supranational integration. Rather than being an alternative to nationalist mercantilism, these claims are no more than its ip side. e present contribution defends these theses through an analysis of the main fault lines of the eurozone's current political constellation. It highlights the shortcomings of the sovranist conception of international economy and shows how a truly internationalist response that promotes further European integration, instead of fighting it, is both viable and realistic. A newly reconsidered internationalism would widen the scope for national political autonomy if it manages to turn the European integration process from a system of antagonistic interdependence into a system of true international cooperation. ; publishersversion ; published